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{{short description|Development of memory in children}}
The '''development of memory''' is a lifelong process that continues through adulthood.
The development of memory in children becomes evident within the first 3 years of a child's life as they show considerable advances in [[declarative memory]], a child's memory throughout their development.<ref name="Learning & memory">{{Cite book|title=Learning & memory|date=2003|publisher=Macmillan Reference USA|others=Byrne, John H.|isbn=0-02-865619-9|edition=2nd|___location=New York|oclc=49977789}}</ref> This enhancement continues into adolescence with major developments in [[short term memory]], [[working memory]], [[long term memory]] and [[autobiographical memory]].<ref name="bad">{{cite book|last=Siegler|first=R. S.|title=Children's Thinking|year=1998|publisher=Prentice Hall|___location=Upper Saddle River, NJ|edition=3rd|authorlink=Robert S. Siegler|isbn=978-0-13-397910-7}}{{page needed|date=August 2016}}</ref>
The development of memory in adults, especially older adults, is often seen more negatively
Recent research on the development of memory has indicated that declarative, or explicit memory, may exist in infants who are even younger than two years old. For example, newborns who are less than 3 days old demonstrate a preference for their
==Cognitive
[[Declarative memory]] develops very rapidly throughout the first 2 years of life; infants of this age show evidence of cognitive development in many ways (e.g., increased [[attention]], [[language acquisition]], increasing knowledge). There is a difference in the brain development of explicit and [[implicit memory]] in infants. Implicit memory is controlled by an early-developing memory system in the brain that is present very early on, and can be explained by the early maturation of [[striatum]], [[cerebellum]], and [[brain stem]], which are all involved in implicit learning and memory.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Schacter |first1=D. |last2=Moscovitch |first2=M. |year=1984 |chapter=Infants, amnesiacs, and dissociable memory |editor1-first=M. |editor1-last=Moscovitch |title=Infant Memory |pages=173–209 |___location=New York |publisher=Plenum }}</ref>
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Rapid [[myelination]] of axons within the [[central nervous system]] occurs during first year of life which can dramatically increase the efficiency and speed of transmission in neurons. This can explain the higher processing speed of older infants as compared to younger ones.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Webb |first1=Sara J. |last2=Long |first2=Jeffrey D. |last3=Nelson |first3=Charles A. |title=A longitudinal investigation of visual event-related potentials in the first year of life |journal=Developmental Science |volume=8 |issue=6 |pages=605–16 |year=2005 |pmid=16246251 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-7687.2005.00452.x }}</ref>
==Working
According to [[Baddeley's model of working memory]], working memory is composed of three parts. First is the central [[Executive (management)|executive]] which is responsible for a range of regulatory functions including attention, the control of action, and problem solving. Second, the [[phonological loop]], which is specialized for the manipulation and retention of material in particular informational domains. Finally, the visuospatial sketchpad stores material in terms of its visual or spatial features. The strength of the relationships between the three components of working memory vary; the central executive is strongly linked with both the phonological loop as well as the visuospatial sketchpad which are both independent of each other. Some evidence indicates linear increases in performance of working memory from age 3–4 years through to adolescence.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Baddeley |first1=A. D. |last2=Hitch |first2=G. |year=1974 |chapter=Working memory |editor1-first=G. |editor1-last=Bower |title=The psychology of learning and motivation |volume=8 |pages=47–90 |___location=New York |publisher=Academic Press }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MB_PBwAAQBAJ
===Central
Central executive is an integral of the working memory, and involves the all- inclusive attentional control of the working memory system.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> Initially Professor in Psychology Robert V. Kail and Professor Meghan Saweikis inferred that the central executive had an important role of storing some information and that the central executive reinforced long-term memory and has the potential to designate resources for focusing, dividing and switching attention.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> Currently the model of the central executive excludes the possibility of any type of memory storage.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> However, it does include the understanding that it does have a responsibility for the control and reinforcement of attention.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Baddeley, Alan D., 1934-|title=The psychology of memory|date=1976|publisher=Basic Books|isbn=0-465-06736-0|oclc=2118601}}</ref><ref>{{Citation|last=Baddeley|first=Alan|title=Working Memory, Thought, and Action|chapter=What limits working memory span?|date=2007-03-15|pages=189–210|publisher=Oxford University Press|doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198528012.003.0011|isbn=978-0-19-852801-2}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Baddeley|first=Alan|date=November 2000|title=The episodic buffer: a new component of working memory?|journal=Trends in Cognitive Sciences|volume=4|issue=11|pages=417–423|doi=10.1016/s1364-6613(00)01538-2|pmid=11058819|s2cid=14333234|issn=1364-6613|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name="Learning & memory"/> In children from
===Phonological
Evidence indicates linear increases in performance from age 4 years through to adolescence. Prior to about 7 years of age, serial recall performance is mediated by the [[phonological]] store which is one of two components of the phonological loop. Preschool aged children do not use a subvocal rehearsal strategy to maintain decaying phonological representations in the store but instead they identify visual features of pictures in order to remember them. This is evident first by watching children for overt sign of rehearsal (for example lip movement) and second if the child is given nameable pictures, there are no differences in retrieval found for long versus short words. At the age of seven, children begin to use a subvocal rehearsal process to maximize retention in the phonological store. As development continues, nonauditory memory material is recoded into a phonological code suitable for the phonological loop when possible.<ref name="gather" />
===Visuospatial
Younger children (under the age of 5) may be more dependent than older children or adults on using the visuospatial sketchpad to support immediate memory for visual material. Older children adopt a strategy of verbally recoding pictures where possible and also use the phonological loop to mediate performance of the “visual” memory task. Between the ages of 5 and 11, visual [[memory span]] increases substantially and it is at this point when adult levels of performance are reached.<ref name="gather" /><ref name="DOI 10.1075/ce.4.2.02jos"/><ref name=pmid17654279/>
=== Episodic
The episodic buffer is something that
In his initial paper, Professor of Psychology Alan Baddeley detailed what he believes to be the biological functioning, ___location, and purpose of the episodic buffer.<ref name=":1" /> The purpose of the episodic buffer is to serve as a bridge between both Working memory and Long-Term-Memory, specifically Episodic Memory. It is believed to be more temporary in its storage capabilities, but nonetheless helps form new information and lasting memory. Since it combines several elements of memory, one could in theory say it is a distributed system.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Baddeley|first=Alan|date=November 2000|title=The episodic buffer: a new component of working memory?|journal=Trends in Cognitive Sciences|language=en|volume=4|issue=11|pages=417–423|doi=10.1016/S1364-6613(00)01538-2|pmid=11058819|s2cid=14333234|doi-access=free}}</ref> The limits of its abilities in storage have yet to be determined. Other issues include identifying the differences between the Episodic Buffer and Episodic Memory, as well as showing how important and essential the Episodic Buffer is to the Working Model of Memory.
==Long-term memory==
Long
Explicit memory becomes much better over the developmental years. However, there are small effects of age on implicit memory, which could be because implicit memory involves more basic processes than declarative memory which would make it less affected by a child's developing cognitive skills and abilities.<ref>{{Cite journal|
▲Long term memory, also known as episodic and semantic memory, has the ability to store valuable information for a proficient amount of time.<ref name="worldcat.org">{{Cite book|title=The Gale encyclopedia of psychology|others=Longe, Jacqueline L.|year = 2016|isbn=978-1-4103-1781-0|edition=Third|___location=Farmington Hills, MI|oclc=941831058}}</ref> According to Longe (2016) the storage of long-term memory could be in assortments of minutes to lifetime, meaning an activity or event attended can be recalled after a few minutes or be stored for a long time.<ref name="worldcat.org"/> Long term memory uses an important distinguishing factor known as meaning that can help an individual learn; It is used in a form of encoding and it is deemed the primary method of developing long-term memory.<ref name="worldcat.org"/> Once meaning is understood and applied to information it can impact what one recalls.<ref name="worldcat.org"/>
▲Explicit memory becomes much better over the developmental years. However, there are small effects of age on implicit memory, which could be because implicit memory involves more basic processes than declarative memory which would make it less affected by a child's developing cognitive skills and abilities.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ward|first=Emma V.|last2=Berry|first2=Christopher J.|last3=Shanks|first3=David R.|date=2013|title=Age effects on explicit and implicit memory|journal=Frontiers in Psychology|volume=4|pages=639|doi=10.3389/fpsyg.2013.00639|pmid=24065942|pmc=3779811|issn=1664-1078}}</ref>
===Infants===
A surprising finding was that within the same age group of 2 to 3 months, infants could also remember an event or memory that was forgotten over the years.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> The infant experienced this recollection by a certain factor that might have sparked that forgotten memory.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> These impressive findings were found by testing the kicking of infants. Researchers placed a mobile over the
The study also indicated that the infant could remember the connection for up to 14 days.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> However, once certain time has passed the
Infants who are 5 months or older are able to use emotions to influence their memories. However, at this age, infants will be more likely to remember things that were characterized by positive emotions. Numerous mechanisms that are used to study and infer memory in children cannot be used on infants, due to the process the study is retrieved, which include writing or speaking.<ref name="Learning & memory"/> The way that researchers study the memory capabilities of infants in this age range is through measuring eye movements between test images presented. After doing this initial round of testing, the researchers would conduct follow-up tests both 5 minutes later and one day later. The follow-up tests shown to the infants included two geometric shapes: one from the original test, and a new shape. The researchers were able to record how long the infants looked at the images in the follow-up tests and measured how long the infants stared at each shape. The infants were more likely to gaze at the geometric shapes from the original tests if they had been paired with positive voices than if they had been paired with neutral or negative voices. This study indicated that infants at this age would be able to better remember shapes and patterns of things if they were associated with positive emotions because positivity would increase the infants' interest and attention.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Flom |first1=Ross |last2=Janis |first2=Rebecca B. |last3=Garcia |first3=Darren J. |last4=Kirwan |first4=C. Brock |title=The effects of exposure to dynamic expressions of affect on 5-month-olds' memory |journal=Infant Behavior and Development |volume=37 |issue=4 |pages=752–9 |year=2014 |pmid=25459793 |doi=10.1016/j.infbeh.2014.09.006 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|
===Pre-school
Infants at as early as 7-months-old can conceptually differentiate between categories such as animals and vehicles. Although infants’ concepts may be crude by adult standards, they still allow infants to make meaningful semantic distinctions. An example is that infants can differentiate between items belonging to a kitchen and those items belonging to a bathroom.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Mandler |first1=Jean M. |last2=Fivush |first2=Robyn |last3=Reznick |first3=J. Steven |title=The development of contextual categories |journal=Cognitive Development |volume=2 |issue=4 |year=1987 |pages=339–54 |doi=10.1016/S0885-2014(87)80012-6 }}</ref> At the very least, these categories lay a foundation for early knowledge development, organizing information in storage and influence future encoding. Infants from 16 months old are able to draw on their semantic knowledge in [[generalization]] and [[inference]]. This knowledge can also be used by older toddlers, 24-month-olds, to facilitate acquisition and retention of new information. Their knowledge of causal ordering of events can be used to help to recall the sequence of events.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Henry, Lucy.|title=The development of working memory in children|date=2011|publisher=SAGE|isbn=978-1-84787-329-3|oclc=926809576}}</ref> Infants have the ability to recall experiences after some time or demonstrate that they have a forming cognitive process.<ref name="Henry, Lucy. 2012">{{Cite book|last=Henry, Lucy.|title=The development of working memory in children|date=2012|publisher=SAGE|isbn=978-1-4462-5419-6|___location=Los Angeles|oclc=797817779}}</ref><ref name="Flavell 324–340">{{Cite journal|
Pre-school children can be heavily inaccurate in recalling words or numbers they have just learned.<ref name="Flavell 324–340"/><ref name="Henry, Lucy. 2012"/> Children are more able to recall information, which according to Professor Lucy Henry (2011) children can “predict” memory performance if they have an online experience with a task.<ref name="Henry, Lucy. 2012"/> What led to this conclusion was the children were given a tape recorder with 10 words, the kids were asked to stop the tape recorder once they thought they could remember all the words mentioned.<ref name="Henry, Lucy. 2012"/> According to the study 17% children predicted that they knew all 10 words mentioned.<ref name="Henry, Lucy. 2012"/>
Knowledge itself will not alter retention performance, rather how well that knowledge is structured will alter performance. Better retention was shown with information that had greater cohesion and more elaborative elements. Familiarity and repetition of an experience can also influence the organization of information in storage for preschoolers and older children.<ref name="fivush" /> Children who experienced an event twice recalled the event better 3 months later than did children who only experienced it once and showed equally good recall at 3 months compared to recall at 2 weeks after experiences.<ref name="swrtc.nmsu.edu">{{Cite web|url=https://swrtc.nmsu.edu/cli-2/pastconferences/2017-2/agenda/childtraumatic/|title=Child Traumatic Memory and the Testimony of Children {{!}} Southwest Regional Training Center {{!}} New Mexico State University|language=en|access-date=2020-03-30}}</ref>
===School-age
Age differences in memory are attributed to age-correlated growth in the foundation of knowledge. What children know affects what they encode, how that information is organized in storage, and the manner in which
=== Adults ===
Memory tends to begin to fade as when enter and go through adulthood. Professor Ane-Victoria Idland et al.,<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|
==Episodic
{{main|Episodic memory}}
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By school age, the typical child shows skill in recalling details of past experiences and in organizing those details into a [[narrative]] form with [[:wikt:cohesion|cohesion]]. Memories formed at this age and beyond are more likely to stand the test of time over the years and be recalled in adulthood, compared to earlier memories. Young children can sometimes retain information from specific episodes over very long periods of time, but the particular information a child of a particular age is likely to retain over different periods of time is unpredictable. This depends on the nature of the memory event and individual differences in the child such as gender, parental style of communication, and language ability.<ref name="fivush">{{cite journal |last1=Fivush |first1=Robyn |last2=Gray |first2=Jacquelyn T. |last3=Fromhoff |first3=Fayne A. |title=Two-year-old talk about the past |journal=Cognitive Development |volume=2 |issue=4 |year=1987 |pages=393–409 |doi=10.1016/S0885-2014(87)80015-1 }}</ref>
One of the most important aspects of episodic memory according to Psychologist Endel Tulving (1985, 1999) is the element of the individual to cognitively travel to both the past and the future.<ref name="John Wiley & Sons Ltd">{{Cite book|title=The Wiley Handbook on the Development of Children's Memory: Bauer/The Wiley|date=2013-10-07|publisher=John Wiley & Sons Ltd|isbn=978-1-118-59770-5|editor-last=Bauer|editor-first=Patricia J.|___location=Chichester, UK|language=en|doi=10.1002/9781118597705|editor-last2=Fivush|editor-first2=Robyn}}</ref> A studied yet still speculative thought about episodic memory in children is the lack of and anticipated episodic.<ref name="John Wiley & Sons Ltd"/> This suggests that children are more susceptible and successful in remembering certain events (
As with all forms of memory, Episodic Memory is known to also decline with age. However, it can also be said that biological factors such as
==Autobiographical
The amount of information that is able to be recalled depends on the
Difficulty in assessing memory in young children can be attributed to their level of language skills; this is because memory tests usually occur in the form of a verbal report. It is unclear whether performance on memory assessments is due to poor memory for the event or to the inability to express what they remember in words. However, memory tests assessing performance with a nonverbal photograph recognition test and behavioral re-enactment showed that children had signs of recall from 27 months, as opposed to 33 months using verbal recall testing.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Simcock|first1=Gabrielle|last2=Hayne|first2=Harlene|year=2003|title=Age-related changes in verbal and nonverbal memory during early childhood|journal=Developmental Psychology|volume=39|issue=5|pages=805–14|doi=10.1037/0012-1649.39.5.805|pmid=12952395}}</ref>
Autobiographical memory
===Childhood
Childhood amnesia is a phenomenon that ranges from the age of 3–8 years of age.<ref name="ReferenceA">{{Cite book|title=Handbook of child psychology and developmental science|others=Lerner, Richard M.|date = 31 March 2015|isbn=978-1-118-95296-2|edition=Seventh|___location=Hoboken, New Jersey|oclc=888026377}}</ref> This phenomenon occurs when a child has forgotten memories and cannot recall them.
[[Infantile amnesia]] is the tendency to have few autobiographical memories from below the age of
====Cognitive
Autobiographical memories can only begin to form after infants have developed a sense of self to whom events having personal significance can occur.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Howe |first1=Mark L. |last2=Courage |first2=Mary L. |title=The emergence and early development of autobiographical memory |journal=Psychological Review |volume=104 |issue=3 |pages=499–523 |year=1997 |pmid=9243962 |doi=10.1037/0033-295X.104.3.499 }}</ref> Evidence of a sense of self develops towards the end of the second year of life, in between 21 and 24 months of age. The development of a cognitive self provides a new framework from which memories can be organized. With this cognitive advancement, we see the emergence of autobiographical memory and the end of infantile amnesia.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Lewis |first1=Michael |last2=Brooks-Gunn |first2=Jeanne |title=Toward a theory of social cognition: The development of self |journal=New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development |volume=1979 |issue=4 |year=1979 |pages=1–20 |doi=10.1002/cd.23219790403 }}</ref>
====Social
[[Language]] and [[culture]] play central roles in the early development of autobiographical memory. The manner in which parents discuss the past with their children and how elaborative they are in reminiscing affects how the child encodes the memory. Children whose parents talk in detail about the past are being provided with good opportunities to rehearse their memories. The parents’ use of language at the time in which the event occurred can also play a factor in how the child remembers the episode. Cultural differences in parenting styles and parent-child relationships can contribute to autobiographical memory at an early age.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Fivush |first1=Robyn |last2=Nelson |first2=Katherine |title=Culture and Language in the Emergence of Autobiographical Memory |journal=Psychological Science |volume=15 |issue=9 |pages=573–7 |year=2004 |pmid=15327626 |jstor=40064143 |doi=10.1111/j.0956-7976.2004.00722.x |s2cid=12384439 }}</ref> Parent-child relationships have also seen as something that causes memory issues in adults as well.<ref>{{Cite journal |
==Memory
Memory strategies are ways in which individuals can organize the information that they are processing in order to enhance recall in the future. Memory strategies that are helpful may include but are not limited to verbal rehearsal or [[mnemonics]]. The use of memory strategies varies in both the types of strategies used as well as the effectiveness of the strategies used across different age groups.<ref name="miller">{{cite journal |last1=Miller |first1=Patricia H. |title=Individual differences in children's strategic behaviors: Utilization deficiencies |journal=Learning and Individual Differences |volume=6 |issue=3 |year=1994 |pages=285–307 |doi=10.1016/1041-6080(94)90019-1 }}</ref>
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As children grow older, they show increasing evidence of [[metamemory]] which is the knowledge about their memory and how it works.<ref name="bad" /> There is strong evidence that suggests that greater awareness and knowledge about ones memory leads to increased use of memory strategies and greater levels of recall.<ref name="DOI 10.1080/016502596386018">{{cite journal |last1=Henry |first1=Lucy A. |title=The Relationships between Memory Performance, Use of Simple Memory Strategies and Metamemory in Young Children |journal=International Journal of Behavioral Development |volume=19 |issue=1 |year=1996 |pages=177–200 |doi=10.1080/016502596386018 }}</ref>
In children under 7, the relationship between metamemory, strategy use, and recall is generally very weak or absent. This can be seen when comparing older children (over the age of 7) and preschool children on sorting tasks where children are asked to sort objects into groups that go together (for example animals) and attempt to recall them.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Schneider |first1=Wolfgang |year=1985 |title=Developmental Trends in the Metamemory-memory behavior Relationship: An Integrated Review |journal=Metacognition, Cognition and Human Performance |volume=1 |pages=57–109 |url=https://opus.uni-wuerzburg.de/opus4-wuerzburg/frontdoor/index/index/docId/6978 }}</ref><ref name="DOI 10.1037/0022-0663.92.1.144">{{cite journal |last1=Tiedemann |first1=Joachim |title=Parents' gender stereotypes and teachers' beliefs as predictors of children's concept of their mathematical ability in elementary school |journal=Journal of Educational Psychology |volume=92 |issue=1 |year=2000 |pages=144–51 |doi=10.1037/0022-0663.92.1.144 }}</ref>
As Adults age they tend to lose the recall ability. In a study by Guerrero Sastoque et al., they discovered that this could be the result of changes in the types of memory strategies used to compensate with their slower recall ability.<ref>{{Cite journal|
====Preschool
Preschool children use simple tactics for remembering but do not use mental strategies and do not typically differentiate [[memory]] and [[perception]]. In order to remember objects, they tend to verbally name or visually inspect items and use memory strategies intermittently or inconsistently even if they are aware of how they can improve recall.<ref name="DOI 10.1080/016502596386018"/> Memory Strategies are used more consistently by children if they are reminded and taught to use them each time they are processing something that should be remembered.<ref name="paris">{{cite journal |last1=Paris |first1=Scott G. |last2=Newman |first2=Richard S. |last3=McVey |first3=Kelly A. |title=Learning the functional significance of mnemonic actions: A microgenetic study of strategy acquisition |journal=Journal of Experimental Child Psychology |volume=34 |issue=3 |year=1982 |pages=490–509 |doi=10.1016/0022-0965(82)90073-X |url=https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/23793/1/0000031.pdf |hdl=2027.42/23793 |hdl-access=free }}</ref>
====By age 7====
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Elementary-age children have a significant improvement in their ability to retain information.<ref name="Bergin, Christi Ann Crosby">{{Cite book|last=Bergin, Christi Ann Crosby|title=Child and adolescent development in your classroom : topical approach|others=Bergin, David Allen|date=14 October 2016|isbn=978-1-305-96424-2|edition=Third|___location=Boston, MA, US|oclc=953710158}}</ref> Children start to understand that in order to not forget what they have learned. It is crucial to create a connection that will aid them to remember next time.<ref name="Bergin, Christi Ann Crosby"/> Once this skill has been learned or there has been significant progression, children in this age steadily become better at remembering to do things in the future (e.g., throwing out the garbage, closing the bathroom door or doing homework).<ref name="Bergin, Christi Ann Crosby"/> Children in this stage of their lives often have an attention shifting episodes in which enable to portion of the memory that was expiring to activate once more, not allowing them to forget.<ref name="Bergin, Christi Ann Crosby"/> Once ascending to the 3rd grade, children are generally categorizing and in return helps the memory.<ref name="Bergin, Christi Ann Crosby"/>
====Late
In late elementary school, children engage in self-directed use of organization and demonstrate the ability to impose a [[semantic]] structure on the to-be-remembered items to guide memory performance. For example, if a child is packing their bag for school, they can go through each part of their day and think of each item that they need to pack.<ref name="paris" /> Children at this age understand the advantages of using memory strategies and make use of strategies like categorization
A strong metacognitive strategy for a student would be practicing reflective and critical thinking skills.<ref name="ReferenceB">{{Cite book|title=The SAGE encyclopedia of intellectual and developmental disorders|others=Braaten, Ellen|year=2018 |isbn=978-1-4833-9227-1|___location=Thousand Oaks, California|oclc=1022637397}}</ref> For instance, when a child is asked to memorize a song or a poem
====Early
In early adolescence, children begin to use elaborative rehearsal meaning that items are not simply kept in mind but rather are processed more deeply. They also prefer to use memory strategies such as [[categorization]] rather than simple rehearsal, looking or naming and use these strategies without needing to think about memory strategies prior to learning.<ref name="justice" />
Consequently, it is crucial to acknowledge that a
==References==
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