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{{Short description|Morphological system}}
{{anchor|Classifier handshape}} <!-- The page [[Classifier handshapes]] was turned into a redirect in 2019 and looks for this anchor. If there is a section on classifier handshapes in the article, move this anchor to that section. -->
In
Classifiers share some limited similarities with the [[
[[Nancy
== Description ==
<!-- introduction -->In classifier constructions, the [[handshape]] is the classifier representing an entity, such as a horse.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=74}} The signer can represent its movement and/or speed in an
<!-- differences from lexical signs -->The handshape, movement and relative ___location in these constructions are meaningful on their own.{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=49}} This is in contrast to two-handed lexical signs, in which the two hands do not contribute to the meaning of the sign on their own.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=78-79}} The handshapes in a two-handed classifier construction are signed in a specific order if they represent an entity's ___location. The first sign usually represents the unmoving [[Figure–ground (perception)|ground]] (for example a surface). The second sign represents the smaller [[Figure–ground (perception)|figure]] in focus (for example a person walking).{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=51}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=86}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=164}} While the handshape is usually determined by the visual aspects of the entity in question,{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=22}} there are other factors. The way in which the [[Agent (grammar)|doer]] interacts with the entity{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=22-23}} or the entity's movement{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=24}} can also affect the handshape choice. Classifiers also often co-occur with verbs.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=164}} Not much is known yet about their [[syntax]]{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=316}} or [[phonology]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=169}}
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It wasn't until the 1960s that sign languages were being studied seriously.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Initially, classifier constructions were not regarded as full linguistic systems.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}}{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=11}} This was due to their high degree of apparent variability and iconicity.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=11}} Consequently, early analyses described them in terms of visual imagery.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Linguists started focusing on proving that sign languages were real languages. They started paying less attention to their iconic properties and more to the way they are organized.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}}
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The start of the study of sign language classifier coincided with a renewed interest in [[Classifier (linguistics)|spoken language classifiers]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=160}} In 1977, [[Keith Allan (linguist)|Allan]] performed a survey of classifier systems in spoken languages. He compared classifier constructions to the "predicate classifiers" used in the [[Athabaskan languages|Athabaskan]] languages.{{Sfn|Keith|1977}} These are a family of oral [[Indigenous languages of the Americas|indigenous languages]] spoken throughout North America.{{Sfn|Fernald|Platero|p=3|2000}} Reasons for comparing them included standardizing terminology and proving that sign languages are similar to spoken languages.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=10-11}} Allan described predicate classifiers as separate verbal [[morpheme]]s that denote some salient aspect of the associated noun.{{Sfn|Keith|1977}} However, [[Adam
In 1982, [[Ted
In the 1990s, a renewed interested in the relation between sign languages and gesture took place.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Some linguists, such as {{harvp|Liddell|2000}}, called the linguistic status of classifier constructions into question, especially the ___location and movement.{{Sfn|Crasborn|p=68|2006}} There were two reasons for doing so. First, the imitative gestures of non-signers are similar to classifiers.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Second, very many types of movement and locations can be used in these constructions. [[Scott
Similar to Allan, [[Colette Grinevald|Grinevald]] also compared sign language classifiers to spoken classifiers in 2000.{{Sfn|Grinevald|2000|p=}} Specifically, she focused on verbal classifiers, which act as verbal affixes.{{Sfn|Aronoff|Meir|p=63-64|Padden|Sandler|2003}} She lists the following example from [[Cayuga language|Cayuga]], an [[Iroquoian languages|Iroquoian]] language:{{Sfn|Grinevald|2000|p=67}}
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<!-- Introduction and representational analyses -->There is no consensus on how to analyze classifier constructions.{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=254}} Linguistic analyses can be divided into three major categories: representational, morphological, and lexical. Representational analyses were the first attempt at describing classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}} This analysis views them as manual representations of movements in the world. Because classifier constructions are highly [[Iconicity|iconic]], representational analyses argue that this form-meaning connection should be the basis for linguistic analysis. This was argued because finite sets of morphemes or parameters cannot account for all potentially meaningful classifier constructions.{{Sfn|DeMatteo|1977}}{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=256-257}} This view has been criticized because it predicts [[ungrammatical|impossible constructions]]. For example, in ASL, a walking classifier handshape cannot be used to represent the movement of an animal in the animal [[classifier (linguistics)|noun class]], even though it is an iconic representation of the event.{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=258-259}}{{Clarify|reason=what is a noun class?|date=August 2019}}
<!-- lexical analyses -->Lexical analyses view classifiers as [[lexicalization|partially
<!-- morphological analyses -->A morphological analysis views classifiers as a series of morphemes,{{Sfn|Benedicto|Brentari|2004|p=}}{{Sfn|Supalla|1982}} and this is currently the predominant school of thought.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159; 165}}{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=18}} In this analyses, classifier verbs are combinations of verbal roots with numerous affixes.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=165}} If the handshape is taken to consist of several morphemes, it is not clear how they should be segmented or analyzed.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}}{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=18-20}} For example, the fingertips in [[Swedish Sign Language]] can be bent in order to represent the front of a car getting damaged in a crash; this led Supalla to posit that each finger might act as a separate morpheme.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=18-20}} The morphological analysis has been criticized for its complexity.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=165}} Liddell found that to analyze a classifier construction in ASL where one person walks to another would require anywhere between 14 and 28 morphemes.{{Sfn|Liddell|2003b|p=205-206}} Other linguists, however, consider the handshape to consist of one, solitary morpheme.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=19}} In 2003, Schembri stated that there is no convincing evidence that all handshapes are multi-morphemic. This was based on grammaticality judgments from native signers.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=19}}
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== References ==
{{refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite book |last1=Aronoff |first1=Mark |last2=Meir |first2=Irit |last3=Padden |first3=Carol |last4=Sandler |first4=Wendy |title=Perspectives on classifier constructions in sign languages |date=2003 |publisher=Lawrence Erlbaum Associates |pages=53–84 |chapter=Classifier constructions and morphology in two sign languages}}
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