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{{Short description|Morphological system}}
{{anchor|Classifier handshape}} <!-- The page [[Classifier handshapes]] was turned into a redirect in 2019 and looks for this anchor. If there is a section on classifier handshapes in the article, move this anchor to that section. -->
In
Classifiers share some limited similarities with the [[
[[Nancy
== Description ==
<!-- introduction -->In classifier constructions, the [[handshape]] is the classifier representing an entity, such as a horse.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=74}} The signer can represent its movement and/or speed in an
<!-- differences from lexical signs -->The handshape, movement and relative ___location in these constructions are meaningful on their own.{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=49}} This is in contrast to two-handed lexical signs, in which the two hands do not contribute to the meaning of the sign on their own.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=78-79}} The handshapes in a two-handed classifier construction are signed in a specific order if they represent an entity's ___location. The first sign usually represents the unmoving [[Figure–ground (perception)|ground]] (for example a surface). The second sign represents the smaller [[Figure–ground (perception)|figure]] in focus (for example a person walking).{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=51}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=86}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=164}} While the handshape is usually determined by the visual aspects of the entity in question,{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=22}} there are other factors. The way in which the [[Agent (grammar)|doer]] interacts with the entity{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=22-23}} or the entity's movement{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=24}} can also affect the handshape choice. Classifiers also often co-occur with verbs.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=164}} Not much is known yet about their [[syntax]]{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=316}} or [[phonology]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=169}}
<!-- mental rotation -->Classifier constructions are produced from the perspective of the signer. This means that the addressee must [[Mental rotation|mentally flip]] the construction horizontally to understand it correctly. For example, if the addressee sees the signer place an object on the right side from the addressee's perspective, it means that they (the addressee) must mentally flip the construction to understand that it was placed on the left side. Native signers seem to be able to do this automatically.{{Sfn|Brozdowski|Secora|p=|Emmorey|2019}}
<!-- breaking of dominance and symmetry constraint -->Two-handed lexical signs are limited in form by two constraints. The Dominance Condition states that the non-dominant hand cannot move and that its handshape comes from a restricted set. The Symmetry Condition states that both hands must have the same handshape, movement and orientation.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=36-38}} Classifier constructions, on the other hand, can break both of these restrictions. This further exemplifies the difference in phonology and morphology between lexical signs and classifiers.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=90}}
<!-- consequences of having two articulators -->Unlike spoken language, sign languages have two articulators that can move independently.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=85-86}} The more active hand is termed the dominant hand whereas the less active hand is non-dominant.{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=34}} The active hand is the same as the signer's [[Handedness|dominant hand]], although it is possible to switch the hands' role.{{Sfn|Crasborn|2006|p=69}} The two hands allow signers to represent two entities at the same time, although with some limitations. For example, a woman walking past a zigzagging car cannot be signed at the same time. This is because two simultaneous constructions cannot have differing movements; one would have to sign them sequentially.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=85-86}}
=== Argument structure ===
Classifiers constructions may show [[Agreement (linguistics)|agreement]] with various [[Argument (linguistics)|arguments]] in its ___domain. In the example below, the handshape agrees with the [[direct object]], using a "thin object" handshape for flowers and a "round object" handshape for apples. Agreement between [[Subject (grammar)|subject]] and [[indirect object]] is marked with a path movement from the former to the latter. This manner of marking agreement is shared with some lexical signs.{{Sfn|Carlo|2014|p=49-50}}
{{interlinear|indent=3
|CHILD<sub>1</sub> MOTHER<sub>2</sub> FLOWER Cl<sub>thin-object</sub>-<sub>1</sub>GIVE<sub>2</sub>||The child gives a flower to the mother.}}
{{interlinear|indent=3
|CHILD<sub>1</sub> MOTHER<sub>2</sub> APPLE Cl<sub>round-object</sub>-<sub>1</sub>GIVE<sub>2</sub>||The child gives an apple to the mother.}}There are also correlations in [[American Sign Language]] (ASL) between specific types of classifier constructions and the kind of [[Valency (linguistics)|argument structure]] they have:{{Sfn|Carlo|2014|p=52}}
# Predicates with a handling classifier are [[Transitive verb|transitive]] (with an external and an internal argument)
# Predicates with a whole entity classifier are intransitive [[Unaccusative verb|unaccusative]] (one single internal argument)
# Predicates with a body part classifier are intransitive [[Unergative verb|unergative]] (one single external argument)
=== Classification ===
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*'''Extension morphemes''': Movement does not represent actual motion, but the outline of the entity's shape or perimeter. It can also represent the configuration of multiple similar entities, such as a line of books.
Whole entity classifiers and handling classifiers are the most established classifier types.{{Sfn|
Certain types of classifiers and movements cannot be combined for grammatical reasons. For example, in ASL manner of motion cannot be combined with limb classifiers. To indicate a person limping in a circle, one must first sign the manner of motion (limping), then the limb classifiers (the legs).{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=81}}
<!-- cross-linguistic comparison -->There is little research on the differences in classifier constructions across sign languages.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Most seem to have them and can be described in similar terms.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Many unrelated languages encode the same entity with similar handshapes.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=26}} This is even the case for children not exposed to language who use a [[home sign]] system to communicate.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=26}} Handling classifiers along with extension and surface classifiers are especially likely to be the same across languages.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=26}} === Relation to gestures ===
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=== Lexicalization ===
{{
Certain classifier constructions may also, over time, lose their general meaning and become fully-fledged signs. This process is referred to as [[lexicalization]].{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=260}}{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=87}} These types of signs are referred to as frozen signs.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=169-170}} For example, the ASL sign FALL seems to have come from a classifier construction. This classifier construction consists of a V-shaped hand, which represents the legs, moving down. As it became more like a sign, it could also be used with non-animate referents, like apples or boxes. As a sign, the former classifier construction now conforms to the usual constraints of a word, such as consisting of one syllable.{{Sfn|Aronoff|Meir|p=69-70|Padden|Sandler|2003}} The resulting sign must not be a simple sum of its combined parts, but can have a different meaning entirely.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=179}} They may serve as the [[Root (linguistics)|root morpheme]] that serves as the base for aspectual and derivational affixes. Classifiers cannot take these types of affixes.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=170}}
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It wasn't until the 1960s that sign languages were being studied seriously.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Initially, classifier constructions were not regarded as full linguistic systems.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}}{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=11}} This was due to their high degree of apparent variability and iconicity.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=11}} Consequently, early analyses described them in terms of visual imagery.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Linguists started focusing on proving that sign languages were real languages. They started paying less attention to their iconic properties and more to the way they are organized.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}}
[[Nancy
The start of the study of sign language classifier coincided with a renewed interest in [[Classifier (linguistics)|spoken language classifiers]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=160}} In 1977, [[Keith Allan (linguist)|Allan]] performed a survey of classifier systems in spoken languages. He compared classifier constructions to the "predicate classifiers" used in the [[Athabaskan languages|Athabaskan]] languages.{{Sfn|Keith|1977}} These are a family of oral [[Indigenous languages of the Americas|indigenous languages]] spoken throughout North America.{{Sfn|Fernald|Platero|p=3|2000}} Reasons for comparing them included standardizing terminology and proving that sign languages are similar to spoken languages.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=10-11}} Allan described predicate classifiers as separate verbal [[morpheme]]s that denote some salient aspect of the associated noun.{{Sfn|Keith|1977}} However, [[Adam
In 1982, [[Ted
In the 1990s, a renewed interested in the relation between sign languages and gesture took place.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Some linguists, such as {{harvp|Liddell|2000}}, called the linguistic status of classifier constructions into question, especially the ___location and movement.{{Sfn|Crasborn|p=68|2006}} There were two reasons for doing so. First, the imitative gestures of non-signers are similar to classifiers.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Second, very many types of movement and locations can be used in these constructions. [[Scott
Similar to Allan, [[Colette Grinevald|Grinevald]] also compared sign language classifiers to spoken classifiers in 2000.{{Sfn|Grinevald|2000|p=}} Specifically, she focused on verbal classifiers, which act as verbal affixes.{{Sfn|Aronoff|Meir|p=63-64|Padden|Sandler|2003}} She lists the following example from [[Cayuga language|Cayuga]], an [[Iroquoian languages|Iroquoian]] language:{{Sfn|Grinevald|2000|p=67}}
{{interlinear|indent=3
|Skitu ake’-treht-ae’
|skidoo I-CL(vehicle)-have
|‘I have a car.’}}
The classifier for the word vehicle in Cayuga, ''{{not a typo|-treht-}}'', is similar to whole entity classifiers in sign languages. Similar examples have been found in [[Diegueño language|Digueño]], which has morphemes that act like extension and surface classifiers in sign languages. Both examples are attached to the verb and cannot stand alone.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=84}} It is now accepted that classifiers in spoken and signed languages are similar, contrary to what was previously believed.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=180}} They both track references grammatically, can form new words and may emphasize a salient aspect of an entity.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=180}} The main difference is that sign language only have verbal classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=180}} The classifiers systems in spoken languages are more diverse in function and distribution.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=175-176}}
Despite the many proposed alternative names to the term classifier,{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=4}} and questionable relationship to spoken language classifiers,{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=90}} it continues to be a commonly used term in sign language research.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=90}}
== Linguistic analyses ==
<!-- Introduction and representational analyses -->There is no consensus on how to analyze classifier constructions.{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=254}} Linguistic analyses can be divided into three major categories: representational, morphological, and lexical. Representational analyses were the first attempt at describing classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}} This analysis views them as manual representations of movements in the world. Because classifier constructions are highly [[Iconicity|iconic]], representational analyses argue that this form-meaning connection should be the basis for linguistic analysis. This was argued because finite sets of morphemes or parameters cannot account for all potentially meaningful classifier constructions.{{Sfn|DeMatteo|1977}}{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=256-257}} This view has been criticized because it predicts [[ungrammatical|impossible constructions]]. For example, in ASL, a walking classifier handshape cannot be used to represent the movement of an animal in the animal [[classifier (linguistics)|noun class]], even though it is an iconic representation of the event.{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=258-259}}{{Clarify|reason=what is a noun class?|date=August 2019}}
<!-- lexical analyses -->Lexical analyses view classifiers as [[lexicalization|partially
<!-- what is the root in morphological analyses -->Morphological analyses differ in what aspect of the construction they consider the root. Supalla argued that the morpheme which expresses motion or ___location is the verbal root to which the handshape morpheme is affixed.{{Sfn|Supalla|1982|p=}} Engberg-Pedersen disagreed with Supalla, arguing that the choice of handshape can fundamentally change how the movement is interpreted. Therefore, she claims the movement should be the root. For example, putting a book on a shelf and a cat jumping on a shelf both use the same movement in ASL, despite being fundamentally different acts.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=21-22}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=88-91}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}} Classifiers are [[Affix|affixes]], meaning that they cannot occur alone and must be [[Bound and free morphemes|bound]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=168}} Classifiers on their own are not specified for place of articulation or movement. This might explain why they are bound: this missing information is filled in by the root.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=168}}
<!-- pronouns -->Certain classifiers are similar to [[pronoun|pronouns]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=88-91}}{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=321}} Like pronouns, the signer has to first introduce the referent, usually by signing or [[fingerspelling]] the noun.{{Sfn|Baker-Shenk|Cokely|p=287|1981}} The classifier is then taken to refer to this referent.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}} Signers do not have to re-introduce the same referent in later constructions; it is understood to still refer to the that referent.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}} Some classifiers also denote a specific group the same way that the pronoun "she" can refer to women or waitresses.{{Sfn|Baker-Shenk|Cokely|p=287|1981}} Similarly, ASL has a classifier which refers to vehicles, but not people or animals.{{Sfn|Baker-Shenk|Cokely|p=287|1981}} In this view, verbal classifiers may be seen as [[Agreement (linguistics)|agreement]] markers for their referents with the movement as its root.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}}
== Acquisition ==
The gestures of speaking children sometimes resemble classifier constructions.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=198}} However, signing children learn these constructions as part of a grammatical system, not as iconic representations of events. Owing to their complexity, it takes a long time to master them.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=174}} Children do not master the use of classifier constructions until the age of eight or nine.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=173}} There are many reasons for this relatively late mastery. Children must learn to express different viewpoints correctly, select the correct handshape and order the construction properly.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} [[Brenda Schick|Schick]] found that the handling classifiers were the most difficult ones to master. This was followed by the extension and surface classifier. The whole entity classifiers had the fewest production errors.{{Sfn|Schick|1990|p=}} Young children prefer to substitute complex classifiers
Children start using classifiers at the age of two.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} These early forms are mostly handling and whole entity classifiers.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} Simple movements are produced correctly as early as 2.6 years of age.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} Complex movements, such as arcs, are more difficult for children to express. The acquisition of ___location in classifier constructions depends on the complexity between the referents and the related spatial locations.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} Simple extension and surface classifiers are produced correctly at 4.5 years of age.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} By the age of five to six, children usually select the correct handshape.{{Sfn|Morgan|Woll|2003|p=300}}{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} At age six to seven, children still make mistakes in representing spatial relationships. In signs with a figure-ground relationship, these children will sometimes omit the ground entirely.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} This could be because mentioning them together requires proper coordination of both hands. Another explanation is that children have more trouble learning optional structures in general.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} Although mostly mastered, children aged nine still have difficulty understanding the locative relations between classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=174}}
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== References ==
{{refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite book |last1=Aronoff |first1=Mark |last2=Meir |first2=Irit |last3=Padden |first3=Carol |last4=Sandler |first4=Wendy |title=Perspectives on classifier constructions in sign languages |date=2003 |publisher=Lawrence Erlbaum Associates |pages=53–84 |chapter=Classifier constructions and morphology in two sign languages}}
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* {{cite journal |last1=Engberg-Pedersen |first1=Elisabeth |title=Space in Danish Sign Language. The Semantics and Morphosyntax of the Use of Space in a Visual Language |journal=Nordic Journal of Linguistics |date=1993 |volume=19 |pages=406 |doi=10.1017/S0332586500003115|s2cid=146550798 }}
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{{refend}}
[[Category:Linguistics]]
[[Category:Sign language]]
[[Category:Linguistic morphology]]
[[Category:Parts of speech]]
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