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{{Short description|Expression denoting a set of sets in formal semantics}}
In [[formal semantics (natural language)|formal semantics]], a '''generalized quantifier''' ('''GQ''') is an expression that denotes a [[set of sets]]. This is the standard semantics assigned to [[Quantifier (logic)|quantified]] [[noun phrase]]s. For example, the generalized quantifier ''every boy'' denotes the set of sets of which every boy is a member:
This treatment of quantifiers has been essential in achieving a [[compositionality|compositional]] [[semantics]] for sentences containing quantifiers.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Montague |first1=Richard |author-link1=Richard Montague |date=1974 |url=http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/content/BPL_Images/Content_store/Sample_chapter/9780631215417/Portner.pdf |chapter=The proper treatment of quantification in English |title=Philosophy, Language, and Artificial Intelligence |series=Studies in Cognitive Systems |volume=2
|editor1-last=Kulas |editor1-first=J. |editor2-last=Fetzer |editor2-first=J.H. |editor3-last=Rankin |editor3-first=T.L. |pages=
==Type theory==
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Given this definition, we have the simple types ''e'' and ''t'', but also a [[countable]] [[infinity]] of complex types, some of which include:
*Expressions of type ''e'' denote elements of the [[universe of discourse]], the set of entities the discourse is about. This set is usually written as <math>D_e</math>. Examples of type ''e'' expressions include ''John'' and ''he''.
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*Type(sleeps) = <math>\langle e,t\rangle</math>
*Type(every) = <math>\langle\langle e,t\rangle,\langle \langle e, t\rangle, t\rangle\rangle</math>
*Type(every boy) = <math>\langle\langle e,t\rangle,t\rangle</math>
and so we can see that the generalized quantifier in our example is of type <math>\langle\langle e,t\rangle,t\rangle</math>
Thus, every denotes a function from a ''set'' to a function from a set to a truth value. Put differently, it denotes a function from a set to a set of sets. It is that function which for any two sets ''A,B'', ''every''(''A'')(''B'')= 1 if and only if <math>A\subseteq B</math>.
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==Typed lambda calculus==
A useful way to write complex functions is the [[lambda calculus]]. For example, one can write the meaning of ''sleeps'' as the following lambda expression, which is a function from an individual ''x'' to the proposition that ''x sleeps''.
Such lambda terms are functions whose ___domain is what precedes the period, and whose range are the type of thing that follows the period. If ''x'' is a variable that ranges over elements of <math>D_e</math>, then the following lambda term denotes the [[identity function]] on individuals:
We can now write the meaning of ''every'' with the following lambda term, where ''X,Y'' are variables of type <math>\langle e,t\rangle</math>:
▲::<math>\lambda X.\lambda Y. X\subseteq Y</math>
If we abbreviate the meaning of ''boy'' and ''sleeps'' as "''B''" and "''S''", respectively, we have that the sentence ''every boy sleeps'' now means the following:
and
<math display="block">B\subseteq S</math>
The expression ''every'' is a [[determiner (linguistics)|determiner]]. Combined with a [[noun]], it yields a ''generalized quantifier'' of type <math>\langle\langle e,t\rangle,t\rangle</math>.
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====Monotone increasing GQs====
A ''generalized quantifier'' GQ is said to be [[monotone increasing]] (also called [[upward entailing]]) if, for every pair of sets ''X'' and ''Y'', the following holds:
The GQ ''every boy'' is monotone increasing. For example, the set of things that ''run fast'' is a subset of the set of things that ''run''. Therefore, the first sentence below [[Entailment|entail]]s the second:
#Every boy runs fast.
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====Monotone decreasing GQs====
A GQ is said to be [[monotone decreasing]] (also called [[downward entailing]]) if, for every pair of sets ''X'' and ''Y'', the following holds:
An example of a monotone decreasing GQ is ''no boy''. For this GQ we have that the first sentence below entails the second.
#No boy runs.
#No boy runs fast.
The lambda term for the [[determiner (linguistics)|determiner]] ''no'' is the following. It says that the two sets have an empty [[Intersection (set theory)|intersection]].
Monotone decreasing GQs are among the expressions that can license a [[negative polarity item]], such as ''any''. Monotone increasing GQs do not license negative polarity items.
#Good: No boy has '''any''' money.
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#Exactly three students ran.
#Exactly three students ran fast.
The first sentence
The lambda term for the (complex) [[determiner (linguistics)|determiner]] ''exactly three'' is the following. It says that the [[cardinality]] of the [[Intersection (set theory)|intersection]] between the two sets equals 3.
===Conservativity===
{{Further|Conservativity}}
A determiner D is said to be ''conservative'' if the following equivalence holds:
For example, the following two sentences are equivalent.
#Every boy sleeps.
#Every boy is a boy who sleeps.
It has been proposed that ''all'' determiners{{emdash}}in every natural language{{emdash}}are conservative.<ref name=Barwise /> The expression ''only'' is not conservative. The following two sentences are not equivalent. But it is, in fact, not common to analyze ''only'' as a [[determiner (linguistics)|determiner]]. Rather, it is standardly treated as a [[focus-sensitive]] [[adverb]].
#Only boys sleep.
#Only boys are boys who sleep.
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==Further reading==
* {{cite book|author1=[[Stanley Peters]]|author2=Dag Westerståhl|title=Quantifiers in language and logic|year=2006|publisher=Clarendon Press|isbn=978-0-19-929125-0}}
* {{cite book|author=Antonio Badia|title=Quantifiers in Action: Generalized Quantification in Query, Logical and Natural Languages|year=2009|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-0-387-09563-9}}
* {{Cite book
| vauthors=Wągiel M
| title = Subatomic quantification
| place = Berlin
| publisher = Language Science Press
| date = 2021
| format = pdf
| url = http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/317
| doi =10.5281/zenodo.5106382
| doi-access=free
| isbn = 978-3-98554-011-2
}}
==External links==
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{{Formal semantics}}
[[Category:Semantics]]
[[Category:
[[Category:Quantifier (logic)]]
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