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''This article is about the writer. For the actor, see [[Graham Greene (actor)]].''
{{Quebec_politics}}
{{Infobox Writer
The '''Quebec sovereignty movement''' is a political movement aimed at attaining independent statehood, ([[sovereignty]]) for the [[Canada|Canadian]] [[province]] of [[Quebec]]. The term [[separatist]] is used interchangeably with [[sovereigntist]].
| name = Henry Graham Greene
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| birth_date = {{birth date|1904|10|2}}
| birth_place = [[Berkhamsted]], [[Hertfordshire]], [[United Kingdom]]
| death_date = {{death date and age|1991|4|3|1904|10|2}}
| death_place = [[Vevey]], [[Switzerland]]
| occupation = [[Novelist]], [[Playwright]], [[Short story|Short story writer]]
| nationality = [[United Kingdom|British]] {{flagicon|UK}}
| period = 1932-1991
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}}
'''Henry Graham Greene''', [[Order of Merit (Commonwealth)|OM]], [[Order of the Companions of Honour|CH]] ([[October 2]], [[1904]] – [[April 3]], [[1991]]) was an [[England|English]] [[playwright]], [[novelist]], [[short story]] writer, travel writer and [[critic]] whose works explore the ambivalent moral and political issues of the modern world. Greene combined serious literary acclaim with wide popularity. Although Greene objected strongly to being described as a "Catholic novelist" rather than as a "novelist who happened to be Catholic", [[Roman Catholic|Catholic]] religious themes are at the root of many of his novels, including ''[[Brighton Rock (novel)|Brighton Rock]]'', ''[[The Heart of the Matter]]'', ''[[The End of the Affair]]'', ''[[Monsignor Quixote]]'', ''[[A Burnt-Out Case]]'', and his famous work ''[[The Power and the Glory]]''. Works such as ''[[The Quiet American]]'' also show an avid interest in the workings of [[international politics]].
With a sovereign state, Quebec sovereigntists claim that the people of Quebec will be better equipped to foster their own economic, social, and cultural development. Quebec sovereigntists are generally not in opposition to [[federalism]] as a concept{{citation needed}}, but are opposed to the present federal system of Canada and do not believe it can be reformed in a way that could satisfy what they see as the desire of Quebecers to govern themselves apart from Canada in all respects.
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==Life and work==
===Childhood===
Greene was born in [[Berkhamsted]], [[Hertfordshire]], the fourth of six children — his younger brother [[Hugh Greene|Hugh]] became the [[Director-General of the BBC]], and older brother [[Raymond Greene|Raymond]] an eminent doctor and mountaineer. Their parents, Charles Henry Greene and Marion née Raymond, [[cousin couple|were first cousins]] and members of a large and influential family that included the owners of the [[Greene King]] brewery, and various bankers and businessmen. Charles Greene was "second master" at [[Berkhamsted School]], where the [[Head teacher|headmaster]] was Dr [[Thomas Fry]] (who was married to another cousin of Charles).
In 1910 Charles Greene succeeded Dr Fry as headmaster, and Graham attended the school as a pupil. Bullied and profoundly unhappy as a [[boarding school|boarder]], Greene made several attempts at [[suicide]] (some of them, Greene claimed, by playing [[Russian roulette]] — though Michael Shelden's biography of Greene discredits the truth of these incidents), and in 1921 at the age of 17 he underwent six months of [[psychoanalysis]] in London to deal with [[clinical depression|depression]]. After this he returned to the school as a day boy, living with his family. Schoolfriends included [[Claud Cockburn]] and [[Peter Quennell]].
The idea of sovereignty for Quebec is based, according to its proponents, on historical and sociological evidence that Quebecers are a people and a political [[nation]], that they have democratic control over a state of their own, but that inside the Canadian federation as it currently stands, this state does not have the constitutional powers which the Quebec government needs to be the effective national government of Quebecers. Within Canada, the policies of the government of Quebec may occassionally be in conflict with the policies of the federal government, however, this situation is not unique to Quebec and occurs at times with other provinces.
While he was an undergraduate at [[Balliol College, Oxford]] his first work, a volume of poetry, was published, but it was not widely praised.
Several attempts at reforming the federal system of Canada have thus far failed due to the conflicting interests between the majority of Quebecers and the majority of other Canadians (see [[Constitutional debate of Canada]]).
===Early career===
[[René Lévesque]], architect of the first sovereignty vote, claimed a willingness to work for change in the Canadian framework after the federalist win in the referendum of 1980. The 1982 reform of the Canadian constitution did not solve the issue in the point of view of the majority of sovereigntist Quebec politicians. The failures of both the [[Meech Lake Accord]] and the [[Charlottetown Accord]] in the late 1980's and early 1990's have strengthened the conviction of most sovereigntist politicians and led many federalist ones to place little hope in the prospect of a federal constitutional reform which would satisfy Quebec's [[Government of Quebec's historical demands|historical demands]]. These include most noticeably a constitutional recognition of the fact that Quebecers constitute a distinct society, as well as a larger degree of independence of the province towards federal policy. A significant proportion of Quebecers have historically believed in the need for a sovereign Quebec going as far back as the mid-1900s. For a majority of Quebecers, whether sovereigntists or not, the problem of Quebec's political status is considered unresolved. It should be noted however, that many Quebecers have grown weary of the prospect of further referendums or constitutional debates.
After graduation, Greene took up a career in [[journalism]] but he was very unsuccessful, first in [[Nottingham]] (a city which recurs in his novels as an epitome of mean provincial life), and then as a subeditor on ''[[The Times]]''. While in Nottingham he started a correspondence with [[Vivien Greene|Vivien Dayrell-Browning]], a [[Roman Catholic]] (by conversion) who had written to correct him on a point of Catholic doctrine. Greene converted to the faith in 1926 (he described it in ''A Sort of Life''). He was baptised in February the same year <ref>the conversion happened after having argued a couple of times with father Trollope, as Green had been trying to defend atheism. - ''The Power and the Glory'' New York: Viking, 1990. Introduction by John Updike, p. xiv</ref>, and the couple were married in 1927. They had two children, Lucy (born 1933) and Francis (born 1936; died 1987). In 1948 Greene left Vivien for Catherine Walston, but they remained married.
===Novels and other works===
Although Quebec sovereignty is primarily a political question{{citation needed}}, cultural concerns are also at the root of the desire for independence. The central cultural argument of the sovereigntists is that only sovereignty can adequately ensure the survival of the [[French language]] in North America, allowing Quebecers to establish their [[nationality]], preserve their [[cultural identity]], and keep their [[collective memory]] alive (see [[Language demographics of Quebec]]).
Greene's first published novel was ''[[The Man Within]]'' in 1929, and its reception emboldened him to give up his job at ''The Times'' and work full-time as a novelist. However, the following two books were not successful (Greene disowned them in later life), and his first real success was ''[[Stamboul Train]]'' in 1932 — as with several of his books, this was also adapted as a film (''Orient Express'', 1934).
His income from novels was supplemented by freelance journalism, including book and film reviews for ''[[The Spectator (1828)|The Spectator]]'', and co-editing the magazine ''[[Night and Day]]'', which closed down in 1937 shortly after Greene's review of the film ''Wee Willie Winkie'', starring a nine-year-old [[Shirley Temple]], caused the magazine to lose a [[libel]] case. Greene's review claimed that Temple displayed "a certain adroit coquetry which appealed to middle-aged men", and is now seen as one of the first criticisms of the sexualisation of young children by the entertainment industry.
==Sovereignty-association==
{{Main|Mouvement Souveraineté-Association|Sovereignty-Association Movement}}
The sovereigntist movement of Quebec is generally considered to have started in the 1960s with the [[Quiet Revolution]]. The use of the word "sovereignty" and many of the ideas of this movement originated in the 1967 ''[[Mouvement Souveraineté-Association]]'' of [[René Lévesque]]. This movement ultimately gave birth to the ''[[Parti Québécois]]'' in [[1968]].
His fiction was originally divided into two [[genre]]s: thrillers or mystery/suspense books, such as ''[[Our Man in Havana]]'', that he himself cast as "entertainments" but which often included a notable philosophical edge, and literary works such as ''[[The Power and the Glory]]'', on which his reputation was thought to be based.
Sovereignty-Association (French: ''Souveraineté-Association'') is the combination of two concepts:
As his career lengthened, however, Greene and his readers both found the "entertainments" to be of nearly as high a value as the literary efforts, and Greene's later efforts such as ''[[The Human Factor]]'', ''[[The Comedians (novel)|The Comedians]]'', ''[[Our Man in Havana]]'' and ''[[The Quiet American]]'', combine these modes into works of remarkable insight and compression. He also penned the 1949 classic [[noir]], [[The Third Man]]
# The achievement of [[sovereignty]] for the Quebec state.
# The creation of a political and economic [[association]] between this new independent state and Canada.
Greene also wrote many short stories and several [[plays]], which were also, on the whole, well-received, although he was always first and foremost a novelist.
It was first presented in Lévesque's political manifesto, ''[[Option Québec]]''.
Greene's long, successful career and very large readership (for a serious literary novelist) led his fans to hope that he would be awarded the [[Nobel Prize in Literature]]. However, although he was apparently seriously considered in 1974, he never received the prize. His broad popularity may have counted against him among the scholarly elite, while the centrality of religious themes in his work may have alienated some of the judges. Greene's friend and sometime publisher, [[Michael Korda]], wrote in his memoir, ''Another Life'' (1999), that Greene believed he was always one vote short of the prize, withheld by a judge who disliked his Catholicism and left-wing sympathies and "who seemed determined to outlive him".
The Parti Québécois defines sovereignty as the power for a state to levy all its taxes, vote on all its laws, and sign all its treaties (as mentioned in the [[1980 Quebec referendum#The question|1980 referendum question]]).
===Writing style and themes===
The type of association between an independent Quebec and the rest of Canada was described as a monetary and customs union as well as joint political institutions to administer the relations between the two countries. The main inspiration for this project was the then-emerging [[European Community]].
Greene had one of the most recognizable writing styles of twentieth-century English authors. His [[novel]]s are written in a lean, realistic style with clear, exciting plots (avoiding [[modernist]] experiments, which might partially account for his popularity) and often utilising a cinematic visual sense in his descriptions. Yet he also concentrated on portraying the internal life of his characters, their mental, emotional and spiritual depths. They are usually deeply troubled by internal struggles, world-weariness and cynicism and living in seedy, sordid or rootless circumstances. Greene tended to set his novels in poor, hot, dusty or tropical backwaters in countries such as [[Mexico]], [[West Africa]], [[Vietnam]], [[Cuba]], [[Haiti]] or [[Argentina]]. This has led to the coining of the expression "Greeneland" to describe such settings.
Greene's were probably the last literary novels written in English in the twentieth century which had at their centre religious themes (though they had similarities with the [[French literature|French novels]] of [[François Mauriac]]). Catholicism is usually explicitly present. Greene in his [[literary criticism]] attacked most [[modern literature]] for having lost any religious sense or themes, which resulted, he argued, in dull, superficial characters who "wandered about like cardboard symbols through a world that is paper-thin." Only by recovering a religious element, the consciousness of the drama of the struggle within the human soul carrying infinite consequences of [[salvation]] and [[damnation]], and of the ultimate metaphysical realities of good and evil, sin and grace, could the novel recover its drama and power. Suffering and unhappiness are omnipresent in the fallen world Greene depicts, and Catholicism is presented against a background of unvarying human evil, sin and doubt. Indeed, [[V. S. Pritchett]] praised Greene as the first English novelist since [[Henry James]] to present, and grapple with, the reality of evil.<ref name = "Crisis">[http://www.crisismagazine.com/april2005/feature2.htm Crisis Magazine].</ref>
The hyphen between the words "sovereignty" and "association" was often stressed by Lévesque and other PQ members, to make it clear that both were inseparable. The reason stated was that if Canada decided to boycott Quebec exports after voting for independence, the new country would have to go through difficult economic times, as the barriers to trade between Canada and the United States were then very high. Quebec would have been a nation of 7 million people stuck between two impenetrable protectionist countries.
Although the novels very often portray powerfully the Christian drama of the struggles of the individual soul, from a Catholic point of view Greene has also been criticised for certain tendencies in an unorthodox direction — sin is so omnipresent in his world that sometimes the vigilant struggle to avoid sinful conduct seems to be portrayed as doomed to failure and, hence, not central to holiness. His friend and fellow Catholic writer [[Evelyn Waugh]] attacked this as a revival of the [[Quietism|Quietist]] heresy. This aspect of his work was also criticised by the leading theologian [[Hans Urs von Balthasar]] as giving sin a "mystique". His characters, although their inner suffering and struggles with doubt reflect a central Christian reality (human fallenness), rarely exhibit other realities of the Christian life, simple, uncomplicated faith and true inner peace and joy. To the latter point, Greene responded that constructing a vision of pure faith and goodness in the novel was beyond his talents. Praise of Greene from an orthodox Catholic point of view by Edward Short can be found in ''Crisis'' magazine:[http://www.crisismagazine.com/april2005/feature2.htm], while a Catholic critique is presented by [[Joseph Pearce]]:[http://www.catholicauthors.com/greene.html].
After the signing of the free trade agreement between Canada and the United States, the sovereignty-associationists revisited their options, and the need for an association with the rest of Canada was made optional{{citation needed}}. That is, an association with Canada is still wished for, but were it to fail, sovereignty would be economically viable because of the belief that Quebec could freely export to the U.S. market due to Canada's membership in NAFTA. Some observers believe that Quebec's participation in NAFTA would be subject to the unanimous approval of the three original signatories of NAFTA. At the present, PQ members and outside supporters will often speak of 'sovereignty' alone, insisting on the idea that a sovereign Quebec would be legally capable of entering into international agreements it would deem suitable.
In his later writings, Catholicism decreased in prominence. The sense of supernatural realities which haunted his earlier works declined and seemed to be replaced with a more [[humanism|humanistic]] viewpoint, a change reflected by his public criticisms of orthodox Catholic teachings. Left-wing political critiques took on a greater importance in his fiction (for example, his attack on [[Vietnam War|American policy in Vietnam]] in ''The Quiet American''), and the tormented believers he portrayed were now more likely to have faith in [[Communism]] than Catholicism. Critics usually agree, however, that his most profound works are the earlier ones in which Catholicism plays a major role.<!-- critics? citations?-->
Those in favour of independence vacillate between terming it "sovereignty" and "independence," but the two terms are considered to be synonymous. A small group of people prefer "independence" over the other term. The use of the term "Sovereignty-Association" is a lot less frequent, but is still heard (refer to the [[#Modernization|Modernization section below]]).
Unlike other "Catholic writers" such as [[Evelyn Waugh]] and [[Anthony Burgess]], Greene's politics were always essentially left-leaning, though some biographers believe politics mattered little to him. In his later years he was a strong critic of what he saw as [[American Empire|American imperialism]], and he supported the [[Cuba|Cuban]] leader [[Fidel Castro]], whom he had met.<ref name = "Kirjasto">[http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/greene.htm Kirjasto].</ref> For Greene and politics, see also Anthony Burgess ''Politics in the Novels of Graham Greene''<ref>in ''Journal of Contemporary History'' Vol. 2, No. 2, (Apr. 1967), pp. 93-99.</ref> In ''Ways of Escape'', reflecting on his trip to Mexico, he complained that Mexico's government was not left-wing enough (e.g compared with Cuba's) <ref>P.xii of John Updike's introduction to ''The Power and the Glory'' New York: Viking, 1990.</ref>. In Greene's opinion, “Conservatism and Catholicism should be... impossible bedfellows.” <ref>As cited on p.xii of John Updike's introduction to ''The Power and the Glory'' New York: Viking, 1990.</ref>.
==History==
{{Main|History of the Quebec independence movement}}
===Precursor ideas and events===
{{See|Quebec nationalism}}
Sovereigntism and sovereignty are terms that refer to the modern movement in favour of the political independence of Quebec. However, the roots of Quebec's desire for [[self-determination]] can be traced back as far as the [[Patriotes Rebellion]], the [[Alliance Laurentienne]] of 1957, the writings of [[Lionel Groulx]] in the 1920s, the [[Francoeur Motion]] of 1917, [[Honoré Mercier]]'s flirtation with this idea (especially in his historic [[Honoré Mercier's April 3, 1893 speech|speech of 1893]].)
{{Quotation|In human relationships, kindness and lies are worth a thousand truths.| Graham Greene}}
===Emergence===
The [[Quiet Revolution]] in [[Quebec]] brought widespread change in the [[1960s]]. Among other changes, support for Quebec independence began to form and grow in some circles. The first organization dedicated to the independence of Quebec was the Alliance Laurentienne, founded by [[Raymond Barbeau]] on [[January 25]], [[1957]].
===Travel===
On [[September 10]], [[1960]] the [[Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale]] (RIN) was founded. On [[August 9]] of the same year, the [[Action socialiste pour l'indépendance du Québec]] (ASIQ) was formed by [[Raoul Roy]]. The "[[independence]] + [[socialism]]" project of the ASIQ was a source of political ideas for the [[Front de libération du Québec]] (FLQ).
Throughout his life, Greene was obsessed with travelling far from his native [[England]], to what he called the "wild and remote" places of the world. His travels provided him with opportunities to engage in [[espionage]] on behalf of the [[United Kingdom]] (in [[Sierra Leone]] during the [[Second World War]], for example). Greene had been recruited to [[MI6]] by the notorious [[double agent]] [[Kim Philby]]. He reworked the colourful and exciting characters and places he encountered into the fabric of his novels.
Despite his love of travel he left [[Europe]] for the first time relatively late in life, when he was 31 in 1935, in a trip to [[Liberia]] which resulted in the non-fiction [[travel literature|travel book]] ''[[Journey Without Maps]]''. A 1938 trip to [[Mexico]] to see the effects of a campaign of forced [[anti-Catholicism|anti-Catholic]] [[secularisation]] was funded by the [[Roman Catholic Church]]. This resulted in the factual ''The Lawless Roads'' (published in America as ''Another Mexico''), and the fictional ''[[The Power and the Glory]]''. The novel was censored by a [[Roman Curia|Vatican]] office in 1953, though in a later private audience with Greene, [[Pope Paul VI]] told him to forget about the troubles. Greene would later travel to the [[Haiti]] of [[François Duvalier]], better known as Papa Doc, which became the scene of his 1966 novel ''[[The Comedians]]''. The owner of the [[Hotel Oloffson]] in [[Port-au-Prince]], where Greene was a frequent guest, later named a room after him.
On [[October 31]], [[1962]], the Comité de libération nationale and, in November of the same year, the Réseau de résistance were set up. These two groups were formed by RIN members to organize non-violent but illegal actions, such as vandalism and civil disobedience. The most extremist individuals of these groups left to form the FLQ, which, unlike all the other groups, had made the decision to resort to violence in order to reach its goal of independence for Quebec. Shortly after the [[November 14]], [[1962]], [[Quebec general election, 1962|Quebec general election]], RIN member [[Marcel Chaput]] founded the short-lived [[Parti républicain du Québec]].
{{Quotation|There is so much weariness and disappointment in travel that people have to open up — in railway trains, over a fire, on the decks of steamers, and in the palm courts of hotels on a rainy day. They have to pass the time somehow, and they can pass it only with themselves. Like the characters in [[Anton Chekhov|Chekhov]] they have no reserves — you learn the most intimate secrets. You get an impression of a world peopled by eccentrics, of odd professions, almost incredible stupidities, and, to balance them, amazing endurances.|Graham Greene|The Lawless Roads (1939)}}
In February of [[1963]], the FLQ was founded by three [[Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale]] members who had met each other as part of the Réseau de résistance. They were [[Georges Schoeters]], [[Raymond Villeneuve]], and [[Gabriel Hudon]].
Many of his books have been filmed, most notably [[Brighton Rock (film)|''Brighton Rock'' (1947)]], and he also wrote several original [[screenplay]]s, most famously for the film ''[[The Third Man]]'' (1949). [[Michael Caine]] starred in both ''[[The Honorary Consul]]'' (1983) and the 2002 remake of ''[[The Quiet American]]'', while ''[[The End of the Affair]]'' (1999) starred [[Ralph Fiennes]] and was directed by [[Neil Jordan]].
In [[1964]], the RIN became a provincial political party. In [[1965]], the more conservative [[Ralliement national]] (RN) also became a party.
===Final years===
The historical context of the time was a period when many former European colonies, such as [[Cameroon]], [[Congo]], [[Senegal]], [[Algeria]], and [[Jamaica]], were becoming independent. Some advocates of Quebec independence saw Quebec's situation in a similar light ; numerous activists were influenced by the writings of [[Frantz Fanon]], [[Albert Memmi]], and [[Karl Marx]].
Greene moved to [[Antibes]] in 1966, to be close to Yvonne Cloetta, whom he had known for several years, and this relationship endured until his death. In 1981 he was awarded the [[Jerusalem Prize]], given to writers concerned with 'the freedom of the individual in society'. One of his final works, ''J'Accuse — The Dark Side of Nice'' (1982), concerns a legal matter embroiling him and his extended family in nearby [[Nice]]. In the pamphlet, he declared that [[organized crime]] flourished in Nice and that the upper levels of civic government had protected judicial and police corruption in the city. This led to a libel case, which he lost [http://www.nytimes.com/books/00/02/20/specials/greene-riviera.html]. He was vindicated after his death, however, when in 1994 the former mayor of Nice, [[Jacques Médecin]], was convicted of several counts of corruption and associated crimes and sentenced to prison.
In the last years of his life, Greene lived in the small resort city of [[Vevey]], on [[Lake Geneva]] in [[Switzerland]]. His book ''Dr. Fischer of Geneva or the Bomb Party'' of 1989 bases its themes on a combination of philosophy and geographic influence. He had ceased attending [[Mass]] and going to [[Confession]] some time in the 1950s, but in his last years it seems he sometimes received the [[sacraments]] from a Spanish priest who became a friend, Fr. Leopaldo Duran. On his death at the age of 86 in 1991, he was interred in the nearby cemetery in [[Corsier-sur-Vevey]].
In June [[1967]], French president [[Charles de Gaulle]], who had granted independence to Algeria, shouted ''[[Vive le Québec libre]]!'' during a speech from the balcony of [[Montreal]]'s city hall during a state visit to [[Canada]]. In doing so, he deeply offended the Canadian federal government, and many Canadians felt he had demonstrated contempt for the sacrifice of Canadian soldiers who died on the battlefields of France in two world wars. The visit was cut short and De Gaulle left the country.
October 2004 saw the publication of the third and final volume of ''The Life of Graham Greene'' by [[Norman Sherry]], Greene's official biographer. The writing of this biography created a story in itself in that Sherry followed in Greene's footsteps, even coming down with diseases that Greene had come down with in the same place. Sherry's work reveals that Greene continued to submit reports to British intelligence until the end of his life. This has led scholars and Greene's reading public to entertain the provocative question, "Was Greene a novelist who was also a spy, or was his lifelong literary career the perfect cover?"
Finally, in October [[1967]], former [[Parti libéral du Québec|Liberal]] cabinet minister [[René Lévesque]] left that party when it refused to discuss sovereignty at a party convention. Lévesque formed the [[Mouvement souveraineté-association]] and set about uniting pro-sovereignty forces.
===Trivia===
He achieved that goal in October [[1968]] when the MSA held its first (and last) national congress in [[Quebec City]]. The RN and MSA agreed to merge to form the [[Parti Québécois]] (PQ), and later that month [[Pierre Bourgault]], leader of the RIN, dissolved his party and invited its members to join the PQ.
{{Trivia|date=June 2007}}
{{Cleanup-section|May 2007}}
Greene greatly enjoyed parody. In 1949, when the ''[[New Statesman]]'' publication held a contest for parodies of Greene's distinctive writing style, he submitted an entry under a pseudonym and won second prize. (The first prize, he was surprised to learn, was awarded to an entry by his younger brother [[Hugh Greene|Hugh]].) The resulting work, ''The Stranger's Hand'', was later finished by another writer and brought to the screen by Italian film director [[Mario Soldati]]. In 1965, Greene entered a similar ''New Statesman'' parody contest, again under a pseudonym, and won an honourable mention.
The novel ''[[Brighton Rock (novel)|Brighton Rock]]'' is a particularly rich source of cultural allusions. It is quoted in "[[The West Wing]]" Season 2 finale episode "[[Two Cathedrals]]". President Bartlett quotes Greene saying, "You can't conceive, nor can I, the appalling strangeness of the mercy of God." He then goes on to say, "I don't know whose ass he was kissing because I think you're [God] just vindictive."<sub>6</sub> On [[Julian Cope]]'s first solo album, ''World Shut Your Mout'', one track is called "Kolly Kibber's Birthday", after the character in ''Brighton Rock''. The [[Morrissey]] song "NOW MY HEART IS FULL" lists four more of its characters:"Tell all of my friends/(I don't have too many/Just some rain-coated lovers' puny brothers)/Dallow, Spicer, Pinkie, Cubitt."
===The early years of the PQ===
[[Jacques Parizeau]] joined the party on [[September 19]], [[1969]], and [[Jérôme Proulx]] of the [[Union nationale]] joined on November 11 of the same year.
Greene's short story "[[The Destructors]]" was featured in the movie ''[[Donnie Darko]]'', where a character confused him with ''[[Bonanza]]'''s [[Lorne Greene]].
In the [[Quebec general election, 1970|1970 provincial election]], the PQ won its first seven seats in the [[National Assembly of Quebec|National Assembly]]. René Lévesque was defeated in Mont-Royal by the Liberal [[André Marchand]].
Greene features in a song by [[The Volvos]] entitled 'Get Yourself a Good Wife' from the 1991 album ''Making it Up''.
In the [[Quebec general election, 1973|1973 election]], the PQ won six seats, a net loss of one. However, its share of the popular vote had significantly increased.
Greene appears as character and narrator in the [[Doctor Who]] novel ''The Turing Test'', which gives a fictional account of Greene's time as spymaster in Sierra Leone and World War II Paris.
<!-- Unsourced image removed: [[Image:Referendum 1980, The Flag and the People.jpg|right|thumb|175px|A public gathering for the Yes side of the 1980 Quebec referendum.]] -->
Graham Greene makes acameo appearence in François Truffaut movie "La Nuit Americaine" (1973) as an English Insurance Broker.
===The referendum of 1980===
<references/>
In the [[Quebec general election, 1976|1976 election]], the PQ won 71 seats — a majority in the National Assembly — to the general astonishment of all Quebec and the rest of Canada. With one of the highest voting turnouts in Quebec history, 41.4 per cent of the electorate voted for the PQ.
6. as cited from http://www.whysanity.net/monos/westwing3.html
==List of major works==
On [[August 26]], [[1977]], the PQ passed two important laws: first, the law on the financing of political parties, which prohibits contributions by corporations and unions and set a limit on individual donations, and second, the [[Charter of the French Language]].
See [[List of books by Graham Greene]] for all works.
*''[[Brighton Rock]]'' (1938)
On [[May 17]], PQ [[Member of the National Assembly]] [[Robert Burns (Quebec)|Robert Burns]] resigned, telling the press he was convinced that the PQ was going to lose its referendum and fail to be re-elected afterwards.
*''[[The Power and the Glory]]'' (1940)
*''[[The Heart of the Matter]]'' (1948)
*''[[The Third Man]]'' (1949) (novella, as a basis for the screenplay}
*''[[The End of the Affair]]'' (1951)
*''[[Ways of Escape]]'' (1980) (autobiography)
==Further reading==
At its seventh national convention from June 1 to 3, [[1979]], the sovereigntists adopted their strategy for the coming referendum. The PQ then began an aggressive effort to promote sovereignty-association by providing details of how the economic relations with the rest of [[Canada]] would include [[free trade]] between Canada and Quebec, common tariffs against imports, and a common currency. In addition, joint political institutions would be established to administer these economic arrangements.
* [[Paul O'Prey]], A Reader's Guide to Graham Greene, Thames and Hudson, 1988
* [[Richard Michael Kelly|Kelly, Richard Michael]], ''Graham Greene'', Ungar, 1984
Sovereignty-association was proposed to the population of Quebec in the [[1980 Quebec referendum]]. The proposal was rejected by 60 per cent of the Quebec electorate.
*[[Richard Michael Kelly|Kelly, Richard Michael]], ''Graham Greene: A Study of the Short Fiction''. Twayne, 1992.
* [[Leopoldo Duran|Duran, Leopoldo]] , ''Graham Greene: Friend and Brother'', translated by Euan Cameron, HarperCollins
In September, the PQ created a national committee of anglophones and a liaison committee with ethnic minorities.
* [[Michael Shelden|Shelden, Michael]] , ''Graham Greene: The Enemy Within'', (pub. William Heinemann, 1994), Random House ed. 1995: ISBN 0-679-42883-6
* [[Norman Sherry|Sherry, Norman]] (1989-2004), ''The Life of Graham Greene: vol. 1 1904-1939'', (pub. Random House UK, 1989, ISBN 0-224-02654-2), Viking ed. 1989: ISBN 0-670-81376-1, Penguin reprint 2004: ISBN 0-14-200420-0
Despite having lost the referendum, the PQ was returned to power in the [[Quebec general election, 1981|1981 election]] with a stronger majority than in 1976, obtaining 49.2 per cent of the vote and winning 80 seats. However, they did not hold a referendum in their second term, and put sovereignty on the back burner, concentrating on their stated goal of "good government".
* [[Norman Sherry|Sherry, Norman]], ''The Life of Graham Greene: vol. 2 1939-1955'', (pub. Viking 1994: ISBN 0-670-86056-5), Penguin reprint 2004: ISBN 0-14-200421-9
* [[Norman Sherry|Sherry, Norman]], ''The Life of Graham Greene: vol. 3 1955-1991'', (pub. Viking 2004, ISBN 0-670-03142-9)
[[René Lévesque]] retired in [[1985]] (and died in [[1987]]). In the [[Quebec general election, 1985|1985 election]] under his successor [[Pierre-Marc Johnson]], the PQ was defeated by the [[Parti libéral du Québec|Liberal Party]].<!-- Unsourced image removed: [[Image:Bouchard & Parizeau, Referendum.jpg|thumb|right|175px|Lucien Bouchard and Jacques Parizeau embrace on the stage of a Yes rally.]] -->
* ''The Graham Greene Film Reader''
===Repatriation, Meech, Charlottetown===
<!-- In development
Following the defeat of 1980, "the ball was in the federalist camp" to use a common expression of the time. Pierre Trudeau, then Prime Minister of Canada and the leaders of the "No" camp had promised Quebecers that a rejection of the sovereignty-association proposal was going to be received as a strong signal that Canada had to change.
The federal government quickly initiated a process to repatriate the constitution of Canada and amend it. All provincial governments were invited at the negotiation table.
-->
The economic "association" part of the Sovereignty-Association concept was in some ways a forerunner of the later [[Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement]] of [[1987]] and the [[North American Free Trade Agreement]].
===The referendum of 1995===
{{main|1995 Quebec referendum}}
The PQ returned to power in the [[Quebec general election, 1994|1994 election]] under [[Jacques Parizeau]], this time with 44.75% of the popular vote. In the intervening years, the failures of the [[Meech Lake Accord]] and [[Charlottetown Accord]] had revived support for sovereignty, which had been written off as a dead issue for much of the [[1980s]].
Another consequence of the failure of the Meech Lake Accord was the formation of the ''[[Bloc Québécois]]'' (BQ), a sovereigntist federal political party, under the leadership of the charismatic former [[Progressive Conservative Party of Canada|Progressive Conservative]] federal cabinet minister [[Lucien Bouchard]]. Several PC and Liberal members of the federal parliament left their parties to form the BQ. For the first time, the PQ supported pro-sovereigntist forces running in federal elections; during his lifetime Lévesque had always opposed such a move.
The [[Union Populaire]] had nominated candidates in the [[Canadian federal election, 1979|1979]] and [[Canadian federal election, 1980|1980 federal elections]], and the [[Parti nationaliste du Québec]] had nominated candidates in the [[Canadian federal election, 1984|1984 election]], but neither of these parties enjoyed the official support of the PQ; nor did they enjoy significant public support among Quebecers.
In the [[Canadian federal election, 1993|1993 federal election]], following the collapse of the [[Progressive Conservative Party of Canada|Progressive Conservative Party]], the BQ won enough seats in Parliament to become Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition in the [[Canadian House of Commons|House of Commons]].
Parizeau promptly called a new referendum. The [[1995 Quebec referendum|1995 referendum]] question differed from the 1980 question in that the negotiation of an association with Canada was now optional.
The "No" camp again won, but only by a very small margin — 50.6% to 49.4%. As in the previous referendum, the English-speaking ([[anglophone]]) minority in Quebec overwhelmingly (about 90%) rejected sovereignty, and support for sovereignty was also weak among [[allophone (Canadian usage)|allophones]] in immigrant communities and first-generation descendants. By contrast almost 60 per cent of [[francophone]]s of all origins voted "Yes". (82 per cent of Quebecers are francophone.) Later inquiries into irregularities determined that some "No" ballots had been rejected without valid reasons, and also that the 27 October "No" rally had evaded spending limitations because of out-of-province participation[http://www.dgeq.gouv.qc.ca/en/pdf/publications/dge_6350.3_v.a.pdf].
On election night, [[Premier of Quebec|Premier]] [[Jacques Parizeau]] attributed the defeat of the resolution to "money and the ethnic vote". Most sovereigntists politicians condemned the declaration, which eventually lead to Parizeau's resignation from his position as chief of the PQ, announced on [[October 31]], the day following the referendum.
==At the end of the 20th Century==
The Parti Québécois won re-election in the [[Quebec general election, 1998|1998 election]] despite losing the popular vote to Jean Charest and the Quebec Liberals. In the number of seats won by both sides, the election was almost a clone of the previous [[Quebec general election, 1994|1994 election]]. However, public support for sovereignty remained too low for the PQ to consider holding a second referendum during their second term. Meanwhile, the federal government passed the [[Clarity Act]] to govern the wording of any future referendum questions and the conditions under which a vote for sovereignty would be recognized as legitimate. Federal liberal politicians stated that the ambiguous wording of the 1995 referendum question was the primary impetus in the bill's drafting. The constitutionality of this bill remains doubtful.{{citation needed}}
In the [[Quebec general election, 2003|2003 election]], the PQ lost power to the ''[[Parti libéral du Québec]]''. However, in early [[2004]], the Liberal government of [[Jean Charest]] had proved to be unpopular, and that, combined with the federal [[Liberal Party sponsorship scandal]], contributed to a resurgence of the BQ. In the [[Canadian federal election, 2004|2004 federal elections]], the Bloc Québécois won 54 of Quebec's 75 seats in the House of Commons, compared to 33 previously.
While opponents of sovereignty were pleased with their referendum victories, most recognized that there are still deep divides within Quebec and problems with the relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada.
===The Clarity Act===
In [[1999]], the [[Parliament of Canada]], inspired by [[Prime Minister of Canada|Prime Minister]] [[Jean Chrétien]] and [[Stéphane Dion]], passed the [[Clarity Act]], a law that, amongst other things, set out the conditions under which the federal government would recognize a vote by any province to leave Canada. Controversially, the act gave the House of Commons the power to decide whether a proposed referendum question was considered clear, and allowed it to decide whether a clear majority has expressed itself in any referendum. It is widely considered by sovereigntists as indefensible and thus inapplicable. Indeed, a contradictory [[Act respecting the exercise of the fundamental rights and prerogatives of the Québec people and the Québec State]] was introduced in the National Assembly of Quebec only two days after the Clarity Act had been introduced in the House of Commons. This was purely a symbolic act, as, unlike the Clarity Act, it had no effect on the law.
Former Prime Minister Chrétien, under whom the ''Clarity Act'' was passed, has remarked that the act is among his most significant accomplishments.
==Present==
===Modernization===
"Sovereignty-Association" is nowadays more often referred to simply as "sovereignty". However, in the [[1995 Quebec referendum]], in which the sovereignty option was narrowly rejected, the notion of some form of economic association with the rest of Canada was still envisaged (continuing use of the Canadian dollar and military, for example) and was referred to as "Sovereignty-Partnership" (in French ''Souveraineté-Partenariat''). It remains a part of the ''[[Parti Québécois]]'' program and is tied to national independence in the minds of most [[Québécois|Quebecers]]. This part of the PQ program has always been controversial, especially since Canadian federal politicians usually refuse the concept.
In [[2003]], the PQ launched the ''Saison des idées'' (Season of ideas) which is a public consultation aiming to gather the opinions of Quebecers on its sovereignty project. The new program and the revised sovereignty project was adopted at the 2005 Congress.
==Allies and opponents==
===Provincial===
There is a large semantic confusion, sometimes fostered by the Parti Québécois itself, between the terms sovereignty, separatism, independentism. These terms are sometimes used interchangeably, but PQ supporters usually prefer the term "sovereignty", considered less radical and emotional than "independentism" (preferred by hard-liners), while "separatism" is usually considered pejorative. The separatist movement draws however above the Left and Right spectrum, a sizeable minority of more [[Canadian conservatism|conservative]] Quebecers supporting the PQ's political agenda because of the sovereignty issue, despite reservations about its [[social democracy|social democratic]] political agenda.
Although difficult to generalize, natural allies of sovereignty tend to be found within the Left, [[labour unions]], the arts community, students, the media, [[anti-globalization]] supporters, and the academic community. Opponents are often found in the business community {{fact}}, the older generations of francophones, anglophones and anglicized immigrants, libertarians, and critics of [[Keynesianism]], [[statism]], and government intervention in general.
Right and Left must be interpreted within the provincial context; Liberal Party politics generally coincide with those of other [[liberal]] parties, while PQ politics are more [[social democratic]] in orientation. There is no mass [[Canadian conservatism|conservative]] movement in Quebec's political culture on the provincial level, due notably to strong government interventionism and Keynesianism shared by all parties since the 1960s (the so-called "Quebec Consensus" since the [[Quiet Revolution]]), and the province's [[Catholic]] heritage.
There are, of course, quite a few exceptions. Notable examples include:
* the [[Canadian conservatism|conservative]] (by Quebec standards) but [[nationalist]] [[Action Démocratique du Québec]] supporting the Yes side in [[1995 Quebec referendum|1995]]. They now support [[Quebec Autonomism]]: a decentralized view of the [[Canadian Confederation]];
* the [[Progressive Conservative Party of Canada]] building links with the sovereigntists in the 1980s;
* well-known federalist artist [[Jean-Louis Roux]], an actor, once destined to become the representative of [[Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom|Queen Elizabeth II]] as [[Lieutenant-Governor]] of Quebec, a plan foiled by [[Jean-Louis Roux|controversy]]; and
* [[René-Daniel Dubois]], playwright and harsh critic of sovereignty, although a self-proclaimed neutral.
Sovereignty fails at gathering substantial support among Quebec anglophones and anglicized allophones. About 60% of francophones of all ethnic origins voted "Yes" in 1995, and with the exception of some support from the [[Latino]] and [[Arabia|Arabic]] communities, most non-francophones massively voted "No" (see [[Demolinguistics of Quebec]]). The opponents of the sovereignty movement routinely attempt to discredit the project based on its rejection by non-francophones, a position refuted by the PQ, which considers its project all-embracing and essentially civic in nature.
===Rest of Canada===
{{weasel}}
The other nine provinces of Canada have always been opposed to sovereignty-association. In both referendums, the sovereigntists (especially [[Jacques Parizeau]] in 1995) were characterized by many outside Quebec as power-hungry individuals who wanted to rule as an independent nation and yet also enjoy all the existing benefits as a component of Canada, while prominent federalist Quebecers (especially [[Pierre Trudeau]]) were labelled traitors by the sovereignist camp.
Although the Alberta government had clashed with the federal government in the 1980s over the [[National Energy Program]] in what some saw as another challenge to national unity, Premier [[Peter Lougheed]] never considered separatism even as a negotiation ploy. British Columbia{{citation needed}} and Alberta have seen parties promoting secession, such as the [[Separation Party of Alberta]], but these have been marginal and have never had representatives elected to a provincial legislature. [[Newfoundland and Labrador]] (then called simply Newfoundland) joined Confederation in 1949 after the third referendum on the question of joining the Canadian confederation left many with a profound malaise and Newfoundlanders are still the most reluctant to identify themselves as Canadians before being Newfoundlanders.{{citation needed}}
The [[Charter of the French Language]] and other legislative acts approved by the National Assembly have reinforced the position of French as the primary language in Quebec. Since the enactment of Bill 101 in 1977 French has been the only official language of Quebec. A broad range of services in English are maintained for the English-speaking community, including education and health care.
Reaction in the other nine provinces to the assertion of French-language rights and the stengthening nationalism within Quebec has been mixed. Under the leadership of Prime Minister [[Pierre Trudeau]], the federal parliament enacted the [[Official Languages Act]], making both French and English official languages throughout Canada, resulting in real efforts to improve accessibility to French services from the federal government. [[New Brunswick]], with a large French-speaking minority, has become officially bilingual. Governments of other provinces, such as Ontario which has a sizeable francophone population, have increased the level of government services available to francophone residents. French language education is now being made available to francophones in many communities in Canada, and many English-Canadians are taking advantage of French immersion programs to encourage their children to acquire a basic working ability to communicate in French. On the other hand, the policy of official bilingualisme and The Quebec Charter of the French Language have prompted considerable criticism outside of Quebec, and some official reaction, for example in legislation passed in Manitoba restraining accessibility to French education.{{citation needed}} The continuing harsh criticism of some of the policies and politics of the Quebec government have been labelled [[Quebec-bashing]] by sovereigntists. A recent, somewhat notorious example, is the [[Globe and Mail]] article by columnist [[Jan Wong]] suggesting that a root cause of the recent September 2006 shooting at [[Dawson College]] is a feeling of alienation felt by non-francophones in Quebec as a result of government policies to protect and promote the French language and québécois culture.
Despite attempts by the sovereignists to win their support, a large majority of non-Quebec francophones oppose the sovereignty movement.{{citation needed]]
<!-- Unsourced image removed: [[Image:Bouchard and Chirac in Paris.jpg|thumb|right|175px|[[Lucien Bouchard]] is welcomed by [[Jacques Chirac]] in [[Paris]].]] -->
===International===
In [[France]] although openness and support is found on both sides of the [[political spectrum]], the French "right" has been warmer to sovereigntists (like [[President of France|President]] Charles de Gaulle, who shouted his support of independence to [[Montreal]] in [[1967]]) than the French "left" (like [[President of France|President]] [[François Mitterrand]], who was distrustful of nationalism and notoriously snubbed Lévesque at their first meeting in the 1970s).
This is a [[paradox]]ical phenomenon, for the Parti Québécois and most sovereigntists are to the political left.
[[Michel Rocard]] (who became [[Prime Minister of France|Prime Minister of the French Republic]]) has been one of the [[Parti Socialiste|French Socialists]] that broke that so-called rule the most (that of the French left being less open), maintaining a close and warm relationship with Quebec sovereigntists.
French politicians and the whole population are usually sympathetic to Quebec for cultural, linguistic and historical reasons. There is a similar cultural attraction in France towards Quebec than the one existing in Britain towards the United States or Australia, for instance. Since support for sovereignty is around 50% in Quebec (normally within 5%), France is very careful to be neutral on that sensitive question.
The French Foreign Office motto concerning Quebec "national question" is "''non-ingérence et non-indifférence''" ("no interference and no indifference"), which epitomizes the official position of the French State. In other words, as long as the Quebec people vote to stay within Canada, France will officially support the Canadian Federation the way it is. That is why bilateral relations between both governments (Canada and France) have been so strong for many years. Similarly, Canada supports and even encourages the special institutional ties that exist between Quebec and France (annual meetings of both Heads of governments in either country; very dense university and research co-operation; administrative agreements; etc).
No independent country in the world can support any kind of secessionist movement while the latter is in "action": it is good political sense in all sovereign states. That's the reason why China, the US, and others do not support an hypothetical Quebec separation - that is not even high on the current political agenda. Not to mention other proper "domestic reasons" why they have to take this kind of stand (Taiwan-China for instance).
But when and if a new country arises (after a won referendum for instance), the sovereign states of the world tend to recognize it, at least if the new country succeeds in gaining official "acknowledgment" (Montenegro, Eritrea, etc) which is never granted.
==Ambivalence==
Quebec federalist nationalists think that the Quebec people should be recognized as a ''de facto'' nation by the federal government of [[Canada]] and initiate the constitutional reforms that presuppose such a recognition. Their position is often so close to that of some moderate Quebec sovereigntists that many have jumped the fence both ways (former Premier of Quebec [[Lucien Bouchard]] and Quebec lawyer [[Guy Bertrand]] are well-known examples of this). A great proportion of Quebec sovereigntist politicians were formerly in the reformist camp of the greater liberal family before joining the MSA or later the PQ. Proponents of a strong centralized federal government oppose this due to their vision of a multicultural Canada. A common argument is that if Canada is divisible by language and ethnicity, than so is Quebec with substantial Anglophone, First Nations and immigrant minorities.
==Sovereigntist organizations==
* [[Parti Québécois]]
* [[SPQ Libre]]
* [[Bloc Québécois]]
* [[Quebec Solidaire]]
* [[Saint-Jean-Baptiste Society]]
* [[Conseil de la Souveraineté du Québec]]
* [[Parti du Mouvement Souverainiste (PMS)]]
==Sympathizing organizations==
* ''[[Confédération des syndicats nationaux]]'' (Confederation of national labour unions)
* ''[[Centrale des syndicats du Québec]]'' (Quebec labour unions congress)
* ''[[Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec]]'' (Federation of Quebec workers)
* ''[[Union des artistes]] ''(Artists Labour Union)
* ''[[Mouvement national des Québécois et des Québécoises]]''
==Sovereigntist media==
* ''[[L'Action nationale]]''
* ''[[L'aut'journal]]''
* ''[[Le Couac]]''
* ''[[souverainetelasolution.com]]''
* ''[[Le Devoir]]''
* ''[[La Gauche]]''
* ''[[Le Jour]]'' (defunct)
* ''[[Le Mouton noir (paper)|Le Mouton noir]]''
* ''[[La Presse québécoise]]''
* ''[[Le Québécois]]''
* [[Québec-Radio]]
* [[Vigile.net]]
==Quebec sovereignty movement in fiction==
[[Richard Rohmer]]'s novel "[[Separation (Richard Rohmer book)|Separation]]" was turned into a TV-movie for [[CTV]] Television in [[1977]]. In the movie, the Parti Quebecois has formed the government of Quebec but Premier Gaston Belisle has repeatedly put off its promise to hold a referendum. International politics forces Belisle's hand when [[Saudi Arabia]] imposes an embargo on oil exports to [[United Kingdom|Britain]], beggaring that nation. Britain must unload six million people; the USA and Australia each agree to take two million. Canada is caught in a quandary. If the Brits don't come, Alberta and B.C. will separate, while if the Brits come, Quebec threatens unilateral separation. Meanwhile, French police investigate a terrorist who seems to have no relation at all to what's happening in Canada.
Prime Minister Joseph Roussel suffers a cabinet revolt when the question of the Brits is put to cabinet; he and several Quebec ministers vote against the British migration, but the resolution passes and the Quebec ministers resign en masse. Roussel's resignation is demanded by an English-Canadian minister, but another Anglophone, with designs on Roussel's job and a sense of good timing, defends Roussel; the vote in Parliament will inevitably parallel the one in cabinet, the government will fall, an election will take place, and Roussel will be out of office.
Roussel meets with Belisle about his threat to unilaterally separate and convinces him to hold a referendum in 60 days, early January. Roussel then convinces Stuart, the Conservative leader, to delay bringing the issue before Parliament, so that an election and a referendum campaign don't take place at the same time. Meanwhile, two negotiating teams meet to determine the terms of separation, with the fiery members of each team clashing.
The terrorist is given her weapon for an assassination, but doesn't know her target yet. Meanwhile, the American president meets with Roussel and offers military aid which Roussel turns down. In addition, the British government falls and its prime minister (Barry Morse) has a brief meeting with Roussel. Roussel is also searching for a safe seat outside Quebec in which to seek reelection, and his efforts are known to his Liberal rivals.
The terms of separation are finally reached in extraordinary time, but the accord is not signed pending the outcome of the referendum. The terrorist is told to assassinate the king of Saudi Arabia; on the king's death, his successor lifts the embargo on Britain. Canada's crisis is resolved, and the referendum is defeated, 67 to 33 percent.
In the mid-1980s, a second movie, "Quebec-Canada 1995", depicts a meeting between the president of Quebec and the prime minister of Canada to discuss a crisis involving Quebec military occupations of parts of Ontario and New Brunswick. Canada's armed forces are stretched thin with peacekeepers in such varied places as the [[Falkland Islands]] (with "Lady Goosegreen" being [[Margaret Thatcher]]).
==See also==
* [[Politics of Quebec]]
* [[Politics of Canada]]
* [[Independentism]]
* [[Sovereigntist]]
* [[Sovereignty]]
* [[Secession]]
* [[Quebec nationalism]]
* [[Sovereigntist events and strategies]]
* [[List of active autonomist and secessionist movements]]
* [[Quebec federalism]]
* [[Alberta separatism]]
* [[Free State Project]]
==External links==
{{wikiquote}}
* [http://www.pq.org Parti Québécois website] (in French and partly in English)
*[http://members.tripod.com/~greeneland/ Greeneland: the world of Graham Greene]
* [http://www.blocquebecois.org Bloc Québécois website] (in French and partly in English)
*[http://www.angelfire.com/journal/ggbtps/GGBT_SiteMap.htm The Graham Greene Birthplace Trust]
* [http://centrerion.blogspot.com Centrerion - Politique Canadienne] Blogue Québécois discutant fréquemment de la souveraineté
*[http://www.litencyc.com/php/speople.php?rec=true&UID=1864 Graham Greene Writeup in the Literary Encyclopedia]
* [http://www.ssjb.com Saint-Jean-Baptiste Society website] (in French and partly in English)
* [http://www.souverainetekirjasto.infosci.fi/greene.htm CouncilBiography ofat QuebecAuthors' Sovereignty]Calendar (in French)website]
*[http://www.hirohurl.net/lawlessroads.html A Review of Graham Greene's "Lawless Roads"]
* [http://www2.marianopolis.edu/quebechistory/chronos/national.htm Chronology of Quebec Nationalism]
*[http://www.wiredforbooks.org/normansherry/ 1989 audio interview of Norman Sherry, biographer of Graham Greene, RealAudio]
* [http://www.lequebecois.org/default.aspx?page=18 Québec-Radio] (in French)
*[http://theparisreview.org/viewinterview.php/prmMID/5180 The Paris Review Interview]
*[http://www.catholicauthors.com/greene.html CatholicAuthors] Biography by Joseph Pearce
*[http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=5204 Find-A-Grave profile for Graham Greene]
[[Category:Politics1904 ofbirths|Greene, QuebecGraham]]
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[[Category:Alumni of Balliol College, Oxford|Greene, Graham]]
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[[Category:English memoirists|Greene, Graham]]
[[Category:English novelists|Greene, Graham]]
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