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{{Short description|Norwegian politician and Nazi collaborator (1887–1945)}}
{{Featured article}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2023}}
{{Infobox officeholder
|name = Vidkun Quisling
|birth_name = Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonssøn Quisling
|order = [[Prime Minister of Norway|Minister President]] of the [[Quisling regime|National Government of Norway]]
|signature = Quisling signature.png
|image = Portrett av Vidkun Quisling i sivile klær, ukjent datering.jpg
|alt = Norwegian Minister-President Vidkun Quisling in civilian clothes
|caption = Quisling, {{circa}}1919
|alongside = [[Reichskommissar]] [[Josef Terboven]]
|term_start = 1 February 1942
|term_end = 9 May 1945
|predecessor = [[Johan Nygaardsvold]]<br/>(as Prime Minister)
|successor = [[Johan Nygaardsvold]]<br/>(as Prime Minister)
|order2 = [[Minister of Defence (Norway)|Minister of Defence]]
|term_start2 = 12 May 1931
|term_end2 = 3 March 1933
|predecessor2 = [[Torgeir Anderssen-Rysst]]
|successor2 = [[Jens Isak de Lange Kobro|Jens Isak Kobro]]
|primeminister2 = [[Peder Kolstad]]<br/>[[Jens Hundseid]]
|order3 = [[Nasjonal Samling|''Fører'' of the National Gathering]]
|term_start3 = 13 May 1933
|term_end3 = 8 May 1945
|predecessor3 = ''Position established''
|successor3 = ''Position abolished''
|birth_date = {{birth date|1887|7|18|df=y}}
|birth_place = [[Fyresdal]], [[Telemark]], [[Sweden-Norway]]
|death_date = {{death date and age|1945|10|24|1887|7|18|df=y}}
|death_place = [[Akershus Fortress]], [[Oslo]], Norway
|death_cause = [[Execution by firing squad]]
|spouse = {{plainlist|
*[[Alexandra Andreevna Voronina]]
*[[Maria Quisling|Maria Vasilijevna Quisling]] (disputed)
}}
|party = {{plainlist|
*[[Nasjonal Samling]] (1933–45)
}}
|otherparty = {{plainlist|
*[[Fatherland League (Norway)|Fatherland League]] (1930–33)<ref>{{cite book|author=Kvanmo, Hanna |date=1993 |page=53 |publication-place=Oslo |publisher=Samlaget |title=Anders Langes saga |url=http://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digibok_2010120906039}}<!-- auto-translated from Norwegian by Module:CS1 translator --></ref>
*Nordic People's Awakening in Norway (1930–31)
*[[Centre Party (Norway)|Agrarian Party]] (1931–33)
}}
|profession = Military officer, politician
}}
'''Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonssøn Quisling''' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|k|w|ɪ|z|l|ɪ|ŋ}}; {{IPA|no|ˈʋɪ̂dkʉn ˈkʋɪ̂slɪŋ|lang|IPA Vidkun Quisling.ogg}}; 18 July 1887 – 24 October 1945) was a Norwegian [[military officer]], politician and [[Collaboration with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy|Nazi collaborator]] who [[Quisling regime|headed the government of Norway]] during the [[German occupation of Norway|country's occupation]] by [[Nazi Germany]] during [[World War II]].
He first came to international prominence as a close collaborator of the explorer [[Fridtjof Nansen]], and through organising [[humanitarian relief]] during the [[Russian famine of 1921]] in [[Volga region|Povolzhye]]. He was posted as a Norwegian diplomat to the [[Soviet Union]] and for some time also managed British diplomatic affairs there. He returned to [[Norway]] in 1929 and served as [[Minister of Defence (Norway)|minister of defence]] in the [[Centre Party (Norway)|agrarian]] governments of [[Peder Kolstad]] (1931–32) and [[Jens Hundseid]] (1932–33).
In 1933, Quisling founded the fascist {{lang|no|[[Nasjonal Samling]]}} (National Gathering). Although he gained some popularity after his attacks on the [[left-wing politics|political left]], his party failed to win any seats in the [[Storting]], and by 1940, it was still little more than peripheral. On 9 April 1940, with the [[Operation Weserübung|German invasion of Norway]] in progress, he attempted to seize power in the world's first radio-broadcast ''[[coup d'état]]'' but failed since the Germans sought to convince the [[Nygaardsvold's Cabinet|recognized Norwegian government]] to legitimize the German occupation, as had been done in Denmark during the [[German invasion of Denmark (1940)|simultaneous invasion]] there, instead of recognizing Quisling. On 1 February 1942, he formed a second government, approved by the Germans, and served as [[Prime Minister of Norway|minister president]]. He headed the Norwegian state administration jointly with the German [[occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany|civilian administrator]], [[Josef Terboven]]. His pro-Nazi [[puppet government]], known as the [[Quisling regime]], was dominated by ministers from Nasjonal Samling. The [[collaborationist]] government participated in Germany's war efforts, and deported Jews out of the country to [[Nazi concentration camps|concentration camps]] in [[General Government|occupied Poland]], where most were killed.
Quisling was put on trial during the [[legal purge in Norway after World War II]]. He was found guilty of charges including [[embezzlement]], [[murder]] and [[high treason]] against the Norwegian state, and was [[capital punishment|sentenced to death]], a sentence which subsequently garnered some criticism due to its questionable legality; besides by the occupation authority, with Quisling's support (including [[Gunnar Eilifsen|retroactive verdicts]]), no death sentence had been executed since 1876, and capital punishment had been abolished upon [[Norwegian independence|independence in 1905]].<ref>{{cite journal | url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03468755.2020.1762724#inline_frontnotes | doi=10.1080/03468755.2020.1762724 | title=Stretching the rule of law: How the norwegian resistance movement influenced the provisional treason decrees of the exile government, 1944-1945 | date=2021 | last1=Borge | first1=Baard Herman | last2=Vaale | first2=Lars-Erik | journal=Scandinavian Journal of History | volume=46 | pages=105–124 | hdl=10037/18602 | hdl-access=free }}</ref> Quisling was shortly after [[execution by firing squad|executed by firing squad]] at [[Akershus Fortress]], [[Oslo]], on 24 October 1945. Since his death, he has become one of history's most infamous traitors due to his collaboration with Nazi Germany. The term ''[[Quisling]]'' has become a byword for "collaborator" or "traitor" in several languages, reflecting the contempt with which Quisling's conduct has been regarded both at the time and in the present day.
==Early life==
===Background===
Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonssøn Quisling ({{Audio|IPA Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonssøn Quisling.ogg|Norwegian pronunciation}}) was born on 18 July 1887 in [[Fyresdal]], in the Norwegian county of [[Telemark]]. He was the son of [[Church of Norway]] pastor and [[genealogist]] Jon Lauritz Qvisling (1844–1930) and his wife Anna Caroline Bang (1860–1941),<ref name="borgen273">{{harvnb|Borgen|1999|p=273}}.</ref> the daughter of Jørgen Bang, [[ship-owner]] and at the time the richest man in the town of [[Grimstad]] in South Norway.<ref name="juritzen11">{{harvnb|Juritzen|1988|p=11}}</ref> The elder Quisling had lectured in [[Grimstad]] in the 1870s; one of his pupils was Bang, whom he married on 28 May 1886, following a long engagement. The newly-wed couple promptly moved to [[Fyresdal]], where Vidkun and his younger siblings were born.<ref name="juritzen11"/>
[[File:Familien Quisling ca. 1915..jpg|left|thumb|Vidkun Quisling (far left) with his family, {{circa}}1915]]
The family name derives from ''Quislinus,'' a [[Latinisation of names|Latinised name]] invented by Quisling's ancestor Lauritz Ibsen Quislin (1634–1703), based on the village of Kvislemark near [[Slagelse]], Denmark, whence he had emigrated.<ref>{{harvnb|Juritzen|1988|p=12}}.</ref> Having two brothers and a sister,<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=6, 13–14}}.</ref> the young Quisling was "shy and quiet but also loyal and helpful, always friendly, occasionally breaking into a warm smile."<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=21}}.</ref> Private letters later found by historians also indicate a warm and affectionate relationship between the family members.<ref>{{harvnb|Juritzen|1988|p=15}}.</ref> From 1893 to 1900, his father was a [[chaplain]] for the [[Strømsø]] borough in [[Drammen]]. Here, Vidkun went to school for the first time. He was bullied by other students at the school for his Telemark dialect, but proved a successful student.<ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|p=10}}.</ref> In 1900, the family moved to [[Skien]] when his father was appointed [[Provost (religion)|provost]] of the city.<ref name="borgen275">{{harvnb|Borgen|1999|p=275}}.</ref>
Academically Quisling proved talented in [[humanities]], particularly history, and [[natural science]]s; he specialised in mathematics. At this point, however, his life had no clear direction.<ref name="dahl6"/> In 1905, Quisling enrolled at the [[Norwegian Military Academy]], having received the highest entrance examination score of the 250 applicants that year.<ref name="dahl6"/> Transferring in 1906 to the [[Norwegian Military College]], he graduated with the highest score since the college's inception in 1817, and was rewarded by an audience with [[Haakon VII|the King]].<ref name="borgen275"/><ref name="dahl6"/> On 1 November 1911, he joined the army General Staff.<ref name="dahl6">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=6–7}}.</ref> Norway was neutral in the [[First World War]]; Quisling detested the peace movement, though the high human cost of the war did temper his views.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=25}}.</ref>
In March 1918, he was sent to Russia as an [[attaché]] at the Norwegian [[legation]] in [[Saint Petersburg|Petrograd]], to take advantage of the five years he had spent studying the country.<ref name="borgen275"/><ref name="dahl28"/> Though dismayed at the living conditions he experienced, Quisling nonetheless concluded that "the [[Bolshevik]]s have got an extraordinarily strong hold on Russian society" and marvelled at how [[Leon Trotsky]] had managed to mobilise the [[Red Army]] forces so well;<ref name="dahl28">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=28–29}}.</ref> he asserted that by contrast, in granting too many rights to the people of Russia, the [[Russian Provisional Government]] under [[Alexander Kerensky]] had brought about its own downfall. When the legation was recalled in December 1918, Quisling became the Norwegian military's expert on Russian affairs.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=32–34, 38}}.</ref>
==Travels==
===Paris, Eastern Europe, and Norway===
In September 1919, Quisling departed Norway to become an intelligence officer with the Norwegian delegation in [[Helsinki]], a post that combined diplomacy and politics.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=38–39}}.</ref> In the autumn of 1921, Quisling left Norway once again, this time at the request of explorer and humanitarian [[Fridtjof Nansen]], and in January 1922 arrived in the [[Ukrainian SSR|Ukrainian]] capital [[Kharkiv]] to help with the [[League of Nations]] humanitarian relief effort there.<ref name="Cohen2000">{{cite book|author=Maynard M. Cohen|title=A Stand Against Tyranny: Norway's Physicians and the Nazis|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7cmx6u2GF80C&pg=PA49|year=2000|publisher=Wayne State University Press|isbn=0-8143-2934-9|pages=49–}}</ref><ref name="dahl40">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=40–42}}.</ref> Highlighting the massive mismanagement of the area and the death toll of approximately ten thousand a day, Quisling produced a report that attracted aid and demonstrated his administrative skills, as well as his dogged determination to get what he wanted.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=43–44}}.</ref>
{{rquote|right|Quisling replied [that] the Russian people needed wise leadership and proper training [that they suffered from] indifference, a lack of clearly defined goals with conviction and a happy-go-lucky attitude [and that] it is impossible to accomplish anything without willpower, determination and concentration.|Alexandra recounts a conversation with her soon-to-be husband|{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|p=93}}}}
On 21 August 1922, he married the Russian [[Alexandra Voronin|Alexandra Andreevna Voronina]].<ref>{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|p=172}}.</ref> Alexandra wrote in her memoirs that Quisling declared his love for her,<ref>{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|p=100}}.</ref> but from his letters home and investigations undertaken by his cousins, Quisling merely seemed to have wanted to lift the girl out of poverty by providing her with a Norwegian passport and financial security.<ref name="dahl45"/>
Having left Ukraine in September 1922, Quisling and Alexandra returned to Kharkiv in February 1923 to prolong aid efforts, with Nansen describing Quisling's work as "absolutely indispensable."<ref name="dahl45">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=45–47}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|p=33}}.</ref> In March 1923, Alexandra was pregnant, and Quisling insisted on her having an abortion, which greatly distressed her.<ref>Alexandra Voronin Yourieff, ''In Quisling's Shadow'' (1999), Chapter 14, "The Child"</ref> Quisling found the situation much improved and, with no fresh challenges, found it a more boring trip than his last. He did however meet [[Maria Quisling|Maria Vasiljevna Pasetchnikova]] ({{langx|ru|Мари́я Васи́льевна Па́сечникова}}), a Ukrainian more than ten years his junior. Her diaries from the time "indicate a blossoming love affair" during the summer of 1923, despite Quisling's marriage to Alexandra the year before.<ref name="dahl45"/> She recalled that she was impressed by his fluent command of the Russian language, his [[Aryan race|Aryan]] appearance, and his gracious demeanour.<ref>{{harvnb|Quisling|1980|pp=30–31}}</ref> Quisling later claimed to have married Pasetchnikova in Kharkiv on 10 September 1923, although no legal documentation has been discovered. Quisling's biographer, [[Hans Fredrik Dahl]], believes that in all likelihood the second marriage was never official.<ref name="dahl48">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=48–49}}.</ref> Regardless, the couple behaved as though they were married, claimed Alexandra was their daughter, and celebrated their wedding anniversary. Soon after September 1923, the aid mission came to an end and the trio left Ukraine, planning to spend a year in Paris. Maria wanted to see Western Europe; Quisling wanted to get some rest following bouts of stomach pain that had lasted all winter.<ref name="dahl48"/>
[[File:Vidkun Quisling og hans kone Maria..jpg|thumb|Quisling and his second wife, [[Maria Quisling|Maria]]]]
The stay in Paris required a temporary discharge from the army, which Quisling slowly grew to understand was permanent: army cutbacks meant that there would be no position available for him when he returned.<ref name="dahl50"/>{{refn|Increasingly bitter over the treatment he had received from the military, he eventually took up a post in the reserves on the reduced salary of a captain, and received a promotion to major in 1930.<ref name="dahl50">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=50}}.</ref>|group="nb"}} Quisling devoted much of his time in the French capital to study, reading works of political theory and working on his philosophical project, which he called ''Universism''. On 2 October 1923, he persuaded the Oslo daily newspaper ''[[Tidens Tegn]]'' to publish an article he had written calling for [[diplomatic recognition]] of the [[Soviet government]].<ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|p=30}}.</ref> Quisling's stay in Paris did not last as long as planned, and in late 1923 he started work on Nansen's new [[repatriation]] project in the Balkans, arriving in [[Sofia]] in November.
The next two months he spent traveling constantly with his wife Maria. In January, Maria returned to Paris to look after Alexandra, who took on the role of the couple's foster-daughter; Quisling joined them in February.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=53–54}}.</ref> In the summer of 1924, the trio returned to Norway where Alexandra subsequently left to live with an aunt in [[Nice, France|Nice]] and never returned.<ref name="dahl54"/> Although Quisling promised to provide for her well-being, his payments were irregular, and over the coming years he would miss a number of opportunities to visit.<ref>{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|pp=450–452}}.</ref>
Back in Norway, and to his later embarrassment, Quisling found himself drawn into the communist Norwegian labour movement. Among other policies, he fruitlessly advocated a people's [[militia]] to protect the country against [[reactionary]] attacks,<ref name="dahl54">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=54–56}}.</ref> and asked members of the movement whether they would like to know what information the General Staff had on them, but he got no response. Although this brief attachment to the far-left seems unlikely given Quisling's later political direction, Dahl suggests that, following a conservative childhood, he was by this time "unemployed and dispirited ... deeply resentful of the General Staff ... [and] in the process of becoming politically more radical."<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=57}}.</ref> Dahl adds that Quisling's political views at this time could be summarised as "a fusion of socialism and nationalism," with definite sympathies for the Soviets in Russia.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=58}}.</ref>
===Russia and the rouble scandal===
[[File:No-nb bldsa 6d244.jpg|thumb|The Armenia commission of the League of Nations. 19 June 1925. From left, sitting, are C.E. Dupuis, [[Fridtjof Nansen]], and G. Carle; standing are Pio Le Savio, and Vidkun Quisling.]]
In June 1925, Nansen once again provided Quisling with employment. The pair began a tour of [[Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic|Armenia]], where they hoped to help repatriate Armenians, including those who survived the [[Armenian genocide]], via a number of projects proposed for funding by the [[League of Nations]]. Despite Quisling's substantial efforts, however, the projects were all rejected.
In May 1926, Quisling found another job with long-time friend and fellow Norwegian [[Frederik Prytz]] in Moscow, working as a liaison between Prytz and the Soviet authorities who owned half of Prytz's firm, Onega Wood.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=59–62}}.</ref> He stayed in the job until Prytz prepared to close down the business in early 1927, when Quisling found new employment as a diplomat. British diplomatic affairs in Russia were being managed by Norway, and he became their new legation secretary; Maria joined him late in 1928.
A massive scandal broke when Quisling and Prytz were accused of using diplomatic channels to smuggle millions of [[roubles]] onto the [[black market]]s, a much-repeated claim that was later used to support a charge of "[[moral bankruptcy]]," but neither it nor the charge that Quisling spied for the British has ever been substantiated.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=62–66}}.</ref>
The harder line now developing in Russian politics led Quisling to distance himself from Bolshevism. The Soviet government had rejected outright his Armenian proposals, and obstructed an attempt by Nansen to help with the 1928 Ukrainian famine. Quisling took these rebuffs as a personal insult; in 1929, with the British now keen to take back control of their own diplomatic affairs, he left Russia.<ref name="dahl67">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=67–69}}.</ref>
He was appointed a [[Commander of the Order of the British Empire]] (CBE) for his services to Britain,<ref name="dahl67"/> an honour revoked by [[George VI of the United Kingdom|King George VI]] in 1940.<ref>{{cite news|title=People|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,764097,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080203143916/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,764097,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=3 February 2008|work=Time Magazine|page=1|date=24 June 1940|access-date=28 April 2011}}</ref> By this time, Quisling had also been awarded the [[Order of the Crown (Romania)|Romanian Crown Order]] and the Yugoslav [[Order of St. Sava]] for his earlier humanitarian efforts.<ref name="dahl67"/>
==Early political career==
===Final return to Norway===
Having spent nine of the previous twelve years abroad, but with no practical experience in party politics outside the Norwegian Army, Quisling returned to Norway in December 1929, bringing with him a plan for change he termed {{lang|no|Norsk Aktion}}, meaning "Norwegian Action."<ref>{{harvnb|Borgen|1999|p=278}}.</ref> The planned organisation consisted of national, regional and local units with the intention of recruiting in the style of the [[Soviet Communist Party]]. Like {{lang|fr|[[Action Française]]}} of the French right, it advocated radical constitutional changes. The [[Parliament of Norway]], or ''Storting,'' was to become [[Bicameralism|bicameral]] with the second chamber made up of Soviet-style elected representatives from the working population.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=4–5}}.</ref> Quisling focused more on organisation than the practicalities of government; for instance, all members of ''Norsk Aktion'' were to have their own designation in a militaristic hierarchy.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=7}}.</ref>
Quisling next sold a large number of antiques and works of art that he had acquired cheaply in post-revolutionary Russia.<ref name="dahl12"/> His collection stretched to some 200 paintings, including works claimed to be by [[Rembrandt]], [[Francisco Goya|Goya]], [[Paul Cézanne|Cézanne]] and numerous other masters. The collection, including "veritable treasures," had been insured for almost 300,000 [[Norwegian krone|kroner]].<ref name="dahl12">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=12–13}}.</ref> In the spring of 1930, he again joined up with Prytz, who was back in Norway. They participated in regular group meetings that included middle-aged officers and business people, since described as "the textbook definition of a [[Fascism|Fascist]] initiative group," through which Prytz appeared determined to launch Quisling into politics.<ref name="dahl70">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=70–73}}.</ref>
After Nansen died on 13 May 1930, Quisling used his friendship with the editor of the ''[[Tidens Tegn]]'' newspaper to get his analysis of Nansen onto the front page. The article was entitled "Politiske tanker ved Fridtjof Nansens død" ("Political Thoughts on the Death of [[Fridtjof Nansen]]") and was published on 24 May.<ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|p=45}}.</ref> In the article, he outlined ten points that would complete Nansen's vision as applied to Norway, among them "strong and just government" and a "greater emphasis on race and heredity."<ref name="dahl70"/> This theme was followed up in his new book, {{ill|Russia and Ourselves|no|Russland og vi}}, which was serialised in ''Tidens Tegn'' during the autumn of 1930.<!--starting on 15 September--><ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|pp=48–49}}.</ref> Advocating war against [[Bolshevism]], the openly racist book catapulted Quisling into the political limelight.<ref name="dahl70"/> Despite his earlier ambivalence, he took up a seat on the Oslo board of the previously Nansen-led [[Fatherland League (Norway)|Fatherland League]]. Meanwhile, he and Prytz founded a new political movement, ''Nordisk folkereisning i Norge'', or "Nordic popular rising in Norway", with a central committee of 31 and Quisling as its ''[[Führer|fører]]''—a one-man executive committee—though Quisling seemed to have had no particular attachment to the term.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=73–76}}.</ref> The first meeting of the league took place on 17 March 1931, stating the purpose of the movement was to "eliminate the imported and depraved communist insurgency."<ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|pp=54–55}}.</ref>
===Defence minister===
[[File:Peder Kolstads regjering (1931).jpg|thumb|Quisling (seated, right) as defence minister in the Kolstad government in 1931]]
Quisling left ''Nordisk folkereisning i Norge'' in May 1931 to serve as defence minister in the [[Senterpartiet|Agrarian]] government of [[Peder Kolstad]], despite being neither an Agrarian nor a friend of Kolstad.<ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|p=64}}.</ref> He had been suggested to Kolstad for the post by [[Thorvald Aadahl]], editor of the Agrarian newspaper ''[[Nationen]],'' who was in turn influenced by Prytz.<ref name="dahl76"/> The appointment came as a surprise to many in the Parliament of Norway.<ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2000|p=51}}.</ref>
Quisling's first action in the post was to deal with the aftermath of the [[Battle of Menstad]], an "extremely bitter" labour dispute, by sending in troops.<ref name="dahl76"/><ref name="ringdal31">{{harvnb|Ringdal|1989|p=31}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|pp=85–87}}.</ref> After narrowly avoiding criticism by the left wing over his handling of the dispute, and the revelation of his earlier "militia" plans, Quisling turned his attention to the perceived threat posed by communists.<ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|pp=76–80}}.</ref> He created a list of the ''[[Revolutionäre Gewerkschafts Opposition]]'' (Revolutionary Trade Union Opposition) leadership, who had been the alleged agitators at Menstad; a number of them were eventually charged with [[subversion]] and violence against the police.<ref name="dahl76">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=76–78}}.</ref>
Quisling's policies also resulted in the establishment of a permanent militia called the ''Leidang'' which, unlike the body he had previously planned, was to be counter-revolutionary. Despite the ready availability of junior officers in the reserve following defence cuts, only seven units were established in 1934, and funding restrictions meant that the enterprise included less than a thousand men before it faded away.<ref name="dahl78"/> Sometime during the period 1930–33, Quisling's first wife, Alexandra, received notice of the annulment of her marriage to him.<ref>{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|p=467}}.</ref>
In mid-1932 ''Nordisk folkereisning i Norge'' was forced to confirm that even though Quisling remained in the cabinet, he would not become a member of the party. They further stated that the party programme had no basis in fascism of any kind, including the [[Nazism|National Socialism]] model.<ref name="dahl78"/> This did not dampen criticism of Quisling, who remained constantly in the headlines, although he was gradually earning a reputation as a disciplined and efficient administrator.<ref name="dahl78">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=78–81}}.</ref> After he was attacked in his office by a knife-wielding assailant who threw ground pepper in his face on 2 February 1932, some newspapers, instead of focusing on the attack itself, suggested that the assailant had been the jealous husband of one of Quisling's cleaners; others, especially those aligned with the [[Labour Party (Norway)|Labour Party]], posited that the whole thing had been staged.<ref name="dahl80"/><ref>{{harvnb|Hartmann|1970|pp=83–84}}.</ref> In November 1932, Labour politician [[Johan Nygaardsvold]] put this theory to Parliament,<ref>{{harvnb|Hayes|1971|p=86}}</ref> prompting suggestions that charges of slander be brought against him.<ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=109}}.</ref> No charges were brought, and the identity of the assailant has never been confirmed. Quisling later indicated it was an attempt to steal military papers recently left by Swedish Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Kleen.<ref name="dahl80">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=80–83}}.</ref>{{refn|Attempts to establish exactly what the Oslo authorities managed to achieve in trying to find the assailant have been hampered by the loss of the original case file. Quisling himself seemed to have rejected the idea that the plot had been masterminded by an important military power such as the Russians or Germans.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=83}}.</ref>|group="nb"}} The so-called "pepper affair" served to polarise opinion about Quisling, and government fears grew concerning reasonably open Soviet elements in Norway who had been active in promoting industrial unrest.<ref name="dahl83">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=83–89}}.</ref>
Following Kolstad's death in March 1932, Quisling retained his post as defence minister in the second Agrarian government under [[Jens Hundseid]] for political reasons, though they remained in bitter opposition throughout.<ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2000|pp=52–53}}.</ref> Just as he had been under Kolstad, Quisling was involved in many of the spats that characterised Hundseid's government.<ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=91}}.</ref> On 8 April that year, Quisling had a chance to defend himself over the pepper affair in Parliament, but instead used the opportunity to attack the Labour and [[Communist Party of Norway|Communist]] parties, claiming that named members were criminals and "enemies of our fatherland and our people."<ref name="dahl83"/> Support for Quisling from right-wing elements in Norwegian society rocketed overnight, and 153 distinguished signatories called for Quisling's claims to be investigated. In the coming months, tens of thousands of Norwegians followed suit and Quisling's summer was full of speeches to packed political rallies.<ref name="dahl83"/> In Parliament, however, Quisling's speech was viewed as political suicide; not only was his evidence weak, but questions were raised as to why the information had not been handed over much sooner if the revolutionary threat were so serious.<ref name="dahl83"/>
===Popular party leader===
[[File:Vidkun Quisling sammen med partifeller. (8616582642).jpg|thumb|Vidkun Quisling together with some NS supporters]]
Over the course of 1932 and into 1933, Prytz's influence over ''Nordisk folkereisning i Norge'' weakened and lawyer [[Johan Bernhard Hjort]] assumed the leadership role. Hjort was keen to work with Quisling because of his new-found popularity, and they devised a new programme of right-wing policies including proscription of revolutionary parties including those funded by foreign bodies such as [[Comintern]], the suspension of the voting rights for people in receipt of [[social welfare]], agricultural debt relief, and an audit of public finances.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=89–90}}.</ref> In 1932, during the [[Olaf Kullmann|Kullmann Affair]], Quisling turned on the prime minister for questioning his hard-line stance over pacifist agitator Captain [[Olaf Kullmann]]. In a memorandum laying out his proposals for economic and social reform distributed to the entire cabinet, Quisling called for the prime minister to stand down.<ref name="dahl92">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=92–93}}.</ref> As the government began to collapse, Quisling's personal popularity reached new heights; he was referred to as "man of the year," and there were expectations of forthcoming electoral success.<ref name="dahl92"/>
Despite the new programme, some of Quisling's circle still favoured a cabinet coup. He later said he had even considered the use of force to overthrow the government but, in late February, it was the [[Liberal Party (Norway)|Liberal Party]] that brought them down. With the assistance of Hjort and Prytz, ''Nordisk folkereisning i Norge'' quickly became a political party, ''[[Nasjonal Samling]],'' or NS, literally "National Unity," ready to contest the forthcoming October parliamentary election. Quisling was mildly disappointed and would have preferred to head a national movement, not just one of seven political parties. ''Nasjonal Samling'' soon afterwards announced it would support candidates from other parties if they supported its key aim of "establishing a strong and stable national government independent of ordinary party politics." Although not an overnight success in the already crowded political spectrum, the party slowly gained support. With its Nazi-inspired belief in the central authority of a strong ''[[Führerprinzip|Führer]]'', as well as its powerful propaganda elements, it gained support from many among the Oslo upper classes, and began to give the impression that "big money" lay behind it.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=93–97}}.</ref>
Increased support also materialised when the ''Bygdefolkets Krisehjelp,'' the Norwegian Farmers' Aid Association, sought financial aid from ''Nasjonal Samling,'' who in turn gained political influence and a useful existing network of well-trained party officers. Quisling's party never managed a grand anti-socialist coalition, however, in part because of competition from the [[Conservative Party (Norway)|Conservative Party]] for right-wing votes.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=97–99}}.</ref> Though Quisling remained unable to demonstrate any skill as an orator, his reputation for scandal nonetheless ensured that the electorate were aware of ''Nasjonal Samling's'' existence. As a result, the party showed only moderate success in the [[1933 Norwegian parliamentary election|October election]], with 27,850 votes—approximately two per cent of the national vote, and about three and a half per cent of the vote in constituencies where it fielded candidates.<ref name="dahl99"/> This made it the fifth largest party in Norway, out-polling the Communists but not the Conservative, Labour, Liberal or Agrarian parties, and failing to secure a single seat in Parliament.<ref name="dahl99">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=99–100}}.</ref>
===''Fører'' of a party in decline===
[[File:Vidkun Quisling på talerstolen, ukjent datering. (8616425227).jpg|thumb|Quisling on the podium during a party meeting in the 1930s]]
After the underwhelming election results, Quisling's attitude to negotiation and compromise hardened.<ref name="dahl100"/> A final attempt to form a coalition of the right in March 1934 came to nothing, and from late 1933, Quisling's ''Nasjonal Samling'' began to carve out its own form of national socialism. With no leader in Parliament, however, the party struggled to introduce the constitutional reform bill needed to achieve its lofty ambitions. When Quisling tried to introduce the bill directly, it was swiftly rejected,<ref name="dahl100">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=100–105}}.</ref> and the party went into decline. In the summer of 1935, headlines quoted Quisling telling opponents that "heads [would] roll" as soon as he achieved power. The threat irreparably damaged the image of his party, and over the following few months several high-ranking members resigned, including [[Kai Fjell]] and Quisling's brother Jørgen.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=105–109}}.</ref>
[[File:Vidkun Quisling holder tale i forbindelse med Setesdalsturen. (8616583576).jpg|thumb|left|Quisling speaks during a trip to [[Setesdal]], Norway, probably in 1936]]
Quisling began to familiarise himself with the international fascist movement, attending the [[1934 Montreux Fascist conference]] in December. For his party, the association with [[Italian fascism]] could not have come at a worse time, so soon after headlines of illegal [[Abyssinia crisis|Italian incursions into Abyssinia]].<ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|pp=204–205}}.</ref> On his return trip from Montreux, he met Nazi [[ideologue]] and foreign policy theorist [[Alfred Rosenberg]], and though he preferred to see his own policies as a synthesis of Italian fascism and German Nazism, by the time of the 1936 elections, Quisling had in part become the "Norwegian Hitler" that his opponents had long accused him of being.<ref name="dahl110">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=110–117}}.</ref> Part of this was due to his hardening [[antisemitic]] stance, associating Judaism with Marxism, liberalism, and, increasingly, anything else he found objectionable, and part as a result of ''Nasjonal Samling's'' growing similarity to the German Nazi Party. Despite receiving an unexpected boost when the Norwegian government acceded to Soviet demands to arrest [[Leon Trotsky]], the party's election campaign never gained momentum. Although Quisling sincerely believed he had the support of around 100,000 voters, and declared to his party that they would win an absolute minimum of ten seats, ''Nasjonal Samling'' managed to poll just 26,577, fewer than in 1933 when they had fielded candidates in only half the districts.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=117–126}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=236}}.</ref> Under this pressure, the party split in two, with Hjort leading the breakaway group; although fewer than fifty members left immediately, many more drifted away during 1937.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=128}}.</ref>
Dwindling party membership created many problems for Quisling, especially financial ones. For years he had been in financial difficulties and reliant on his inheritance, while increasing numbers of his paintings were found to be copies when he tried to sell them. Vidkun and his brother Arne sold one [[Frans Hals]] painting for just four thousand dollars, believing it to be a copy and not the fifty-thousand-dollar artwork they had once thought it to be, only to see it reclassified as an original and revalued at a hundred thousand dollars. In the difficult circumstances of the [[Great Depression]], even originals did not raise as much as Quisling had hoped.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=130–133}}.</ref> His disillusionment with Norwegian society was furthered by news of the planned [[Constitution of Norway|constitutional reform]] of 1938, which would extend the parliamentary term from three to four years with immediate effect, a move Quisling bitterly opposed.<ref name="dahl134"/>
==World War II==
===Coming of war===
In 1939, Quisling turned his attention towards Norway's preparations for the anticipated European war, which he believed involved a drastic increase in the country's defence spending to guarantee its neutrality. Meanwhile, Quisling presented lectures entitled "The Jewish problem in Norway"<ref>{{cite book|author=Maynard M. Cohen|title=A Stand Against Tyranny: Norway's Physicians and the Nazis|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7cmx6u2GF80C&pg=PA53|year= 2000|publisher=Wayne State University Press|isbn=0-8143-2934-9|pages=53–}}</ref> and supported [[Adolf Hitler]] in what appeared to be growing future conflict. Despite condemning ''[[Kristallnacht]],'' he sent the German leader a fiftieth-birthday greeting thanking him for "saving Europe from Bolshevism and Jewish domination".<ref name="dahl134">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=134–137}}.</ref> Quisling also contended that should a British-Soviet alliance make neutrality impossible, Norway would have "to go with Germany."<ref name="dahl137">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=137–142}}.</ref> Invited to the country in the summer of 1939, he began a tour of a number of German and Danish cities. He was received particularly well in Germany, which promised funds to boost ''Nasjonal Samling's'' standing in Norway, and hence spread pro-Nazi sentiment. When war broke out on 1 September 1939, Quisling felt vindicated by both the event and the immediate superiority displayed by the German army. He remained outwardly confident that, despite its size, his party would soon become the centre of political attention.<ref name="dahl137"/>
For the next nine months, Quisling continued to lead a party that was at best peripheral to Norwegian politics.<ref name="dahl137"/> He was nonetheless active, and in October 1939 he worked with Prytz on an ultimately unsuccessful plan for peace between Britain, France and Germany and their eventual participation in a new economic union. Quisling also mused on how Germany ought to go on the offensive against its ally the Soviet Union, and on 9 December travelled to Germany to present his multi-faceted plans.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=142–149}}.</ref> After impressing German officials, he won an audience with Hitler himself, scheduled for 14 December, whereupon he received firm advice from his contacts that the most useful thing he could do would be to ask for Hitler's help with a pro-German coup in Norway,{{refn|Quisling considered the fourth and constitutionally dubious session of the Parliament of Norway, due to open on 10 January 1940, as the mostly likely time for ''Nasjonal Samling'' to face an exploitable crisis. During 1939 he had firmed up a list of candidates for an incoming government.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=153}}.</ref>|group="nb"}} that would let the Germans use Norway as a naval base. Thereafter, Norway would maintain official neutrality as long as possible, and finally the country would fall under German rather than British control.<ref>{{cite book|title=The German Northern Theater of Operations 1940–1945|year = 1959|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nw0VAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA8|publisher=Brill Archive|pages=8–|id=GGKEY:BQN0CQURHS1}}</ref> It is not clear how much Quisling himself understood about the strategic implications of such a move, and he instead relied on his future Minister of Domestic Affairs [[Albert Viljam Hagelin|Albert Hagelin]], who was fluent in German, to put the relevant arguments to German officials in Berlin during pre-meeting talks, even though Hagelin was prone to damaging exaggeration at times.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=149–152}}.</ref> Quisling and his German contacts almost certainly went away with different views as to whether they had agreed upon the necessity of a German invasion.<ref name="dahl153">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=153–156}}.</ref>
On 14 December 1939, Quisling met Hitler. The German leader promised to respond to any British invasion of Norway ([[Plan R 4]]), perhaps pre-emptively, with a German counter-invasion, but found Quisling's plans for both a Norwegian coup and an Anglo-German peace unduly optimistic. Nonetheless, Quisling would still receive funds to bolster ''Nasjonal Samling''.{{refn|Immediately after the meeting on 14 December, Hitler ordered his staff to draw up preparations for an invasion of Norway.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=157}}.</ref>|group="nb"}} The two men met again four days later, and afterwards Quisling wrote a memorandum that explicitly told Hitler that he did not consider himself a National Socialist.<ref name="dahl153"/> As German machinations continued, Quisling was intentionally kept in the dark. He was also incapacitated by a severe bout of illness, probably [[nephritis]] in both kidneys, for which he refused hospitalisation. Though he returned to work on 13 March 1940, he remained ill for several weeks.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=160–162}}.</ref>
In the meantime, the [[Altmark incident|''Altmark'' incident]] complicated Norway's efforts to maintain its neutrality. Hitler himself remained in two minds over whether an occupation of Norway should require an invitation from the Norwegian government. Finally, Quisling received his summons on 31 March, and reluctantly travelled to [[Copenhagen]] to meet with Nazi intelligence officers who asked him for information on Norwegian defences and defence protocols. He returned to Norway on 6 April and, on 8 April, the British [[Operation Wilfred]] commenced, bringing Norway into the war. With [[Allied campaign in Norway|Allied forces in Norway]], Quisling expected a characteristically swift German response.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=162–170}}.</ref>
===German invasion and coup d'état===
{{See also|Quisling regime#1940 coup}}
In the early hours of 9 April 1940, [[Operation Weserübung|Germany invaded Norway]] by air and sea in "Operation ''Weserübung''", or "Operation Weser Exercise", intending to capture King [[Haakon VII]] and the government of Prime Minister [[Johan Nygaardsvold]]. However, alert to the possibility of invasion, [[Conservative Party (Norway)|Conservative]] [[President of the Storting|President of the Parliament]] [[C. J. Hambro]] arranged for their evacuation to [[Hamar]] in the east of the country.<ref>{{harvnb|Hayes|1971|p=211}}.</ref> The [[German cruiser Blücher|''Blücher'']], a German cruiser which carried most of the personnel intended to take over Norway's administration, [[Battle of Drøbak Sound|was sunk by cannon fire and torpedoes]] from [[Oscarsborg Fortress]] in the [[Oslofjord]].{{refn|Dahl suggests that the mix-up was in part due to Quisling's earlier statement to the Germans that he "did not believe" the Norwegian sea defences would open fire without previous orders to do so.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=166, 171}}.</ref>|group="nb"}} The Germans had expected the government to surrender and to have its replacement ready; neither happened, although the invasion itself continued. After hours of discussion, Quisling and his German counterparts decided that an immediate [[coup]] was necessary, though this was not the preferred option either of Germany's ambassador [[Curt Bräuer]] or of the [[German Foreign Ministry]].<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=170–172}}.</ref>
In the afternoon, German liaison-person [[Hans-Wilhelm Scheidt]] told Quisling that should he set up a government, it would have Hitler's personal approval. Quisling drew up a list of ministers and, although the legitimate government had merely relocated some {{convert|150|km|mi|abbr=}} to [[Elverum (town)|Elverum]], accused it of having "fled".{{refn|The option of a "Danish solution"—welcoming the invaders in order to avoid conflict—was still on the table. In this way, the Nazis were avoiding choosing between the rival centres of power.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=173}}.</ref> This became impossible only after Quisling's announcement at 19:30.<ref>{{harvnb|Hayes|1971|pp=212–217}}.</ref>|group="nb"}}
Meanwhile, the Germans occupied Oslo and at 17:30 [[NRK|Norwegian radio]] (NRK) ceased broadcasting at the request of the occupying forces.<ref name="dahl172">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=172–175}}.</ref> With German support, at approximately 19:30, Quisling entered the NRK studios in Oslo and proclaimed the formation of a new government with himself as prime minister. He also revoked an earlier order to mobilise against the German invasion.<ref name="dahl172"/><ref>{{harvnb|Ringdal|1989|p=58}}.</ref> He still lacked legitimacy. Two of his orders—the first to his friend Colonel Hans Sommerfeldt Hiorth, the commanding officer of the army regiment at [[Elverum (town)|Elverum]],<ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=377}}.</ref> to arrest the government, and the second to [[Kristian Welhaven]], Oslo's chief of police—were both ignored. At 22:00, Quisling resumed broadcasting, repeating his earlier message and reading out a list of new ministers. Hitler lent his support as promised, and recognised the new Norwegian government under Quisling within 24 hours.<ref name="dahl172"/> Norwegian batteries were still firing on the German invasion force, and at 03:00 on 10 April, Quisling acceded to a German request to halt the resistance of the [[Bolærne]] fortress.{{refn|Though now accepted, this charge was later one of the few for which the jury at Quisling's trial did not find sufficient evidence.<ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=755}}.</ref>|group="nb"}}<ref>{{harvnb|Hayes|1971|p=221}}.</ref> As a result of actions such as these, it was claimed at the time that Quisling's seizure of power in a [[puppet government]] had been part of the German plan all along.<ref>{{harvnb|Block (ed.)|1940|pp=669–670}}.</ref>
Quisling now reached the high-water mark of his political power. On 10 April, Bräuer travelled to Elverum where the legitimate [[Nygaardsvold's Cabinet|Nygaardsvold government]] now sat. On Hitler's orders, he demanded that King Haakon appoint Quisling head of a new government, thereby securing a [[peaceful transition of power]] and giving legal sanction to the occupation. Haakon rejected this demand.<ref name="dahl175">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=175–178}}</ref> Later, in a meeting with his cabinet, Haakon told his ministers that neither the people nor the Storting had confidence in Quisling. The king went further, saying that he could not appoint Quisling as prime minister, and would abdicate before appointing a Quisling-led government. Hearing this, the government unanimously voted to support the King's stance. It formally advised him not to appoint any government headed by Quisling,<ref name="hoidal384">{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=384}}</ref> and urged the people to continue their resistance.<ref name="dahl175"/> With his popular support gone, Quisling ceased to be of use to Hitler. Germany retracted its support for his rival government, preferring instead to build up its own independent governing commission. In this way, Quisling was manoeuvred out of power by Bräuer and a coalition of his former allies, including Hjort, who now saw him as a liability. Even his political allies, including Prytz, deserted him.<ref name="dahl175"/>
In return, Hitler wrote to Quisling thanking him for his efforts and guaranteeing him some sort of position in the new government. The transfer of power on these terms was duly enacted on 15 April, with Hitler still confident the [[Administrative Council (Norway)|Administrative Council]] would receive the backing of the King.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=183}}.</ref> Quisling's domestic and international reputation both hit new lows, casting him as both a traitor and a failure.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=183–188}}.</ref>
===Head of the government===
{{See also|Quisling regime}}
[[File:Vidkun Quisling på talerstolen i anledning Reichsjugendführer Axmanns besøk. (8617530334).jpg|thumb|Quisling in Oslo in 1941]]
[[File:Fra venstre- Vidkun Quisling, fru Fuglesang, ukjent kvinne, Rolf Jørgen Fuglesang. (8615478575).jpg|thumb|Vidkun Quisling and [[Rolf Jørgen Fuglesang]]]]
Once the King had declared the German commission unlawful, it became clear that he would never be won over. An impatient Hitler appointed a German, [[Josef Terboven]], as the new Norwegian {{lang|no|[[reichskommissar]]}}, or governor-general, on 24 April, reporting directly to him. Despite Hitler's assurances, Terboven wanted to make sure that there would be no room in the government for the ''Nasjonal Samling'' nor its leader Quisling, with whom he did not get along.<ref name="dahl188">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=188–194}}.</ref> Terboven eventually accepted a certain ''Nasjonal Samling'' presence in the government during June, but remained unconvinced about Quisling. As a result, on 25 June, Terboven forced Quisling to step down as leader of the ''Nasjonal Samling'' and take a temporary leave of absence in Germany.<ref name="dahl188"/> Quisling remained there until 20 August, while Rosenberg and Admiral [[Erich Raeder]], whom he had met on his earlier visit to Berlin, negotiated on his behalf. In the end, Quisling returned "in triumph," having won Hitler over in a meeting on 16 August. The {{lang|no|Reichskommissar}} would now have to accommodate Quisling as leader of the government, then allow him to rebuild the ''Nasjonal Samling'' and bring more of his men into the cabinet.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=194–200}}.</ref> Terboven complied and addressed the Norwegian people in a radio broadcast in which he asserted that the ''Nasjonal Samling'' would be the only political party allowed.<ref>{{cite news|title=Norway: Commission State|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,802044-1,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121107085600/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,802044-1,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=7 November 2012|work=Time Magazine|page=1|date=7 October 1940|access-date=31 May 2011}}</ref>
As a result, by the end of 1940 the monarchy had been suspended, although the Parliament of Norway and a body resembling a cabinet remained. The ''Nasjonal Samling,'' the only pro-German party, would be cultivated, but Terboven's {{lang|no|Reichskommissariat}} would keep power in the meantime. Quisling would serve as [[acting (law)|acting]] prime minister and ten of the thirteen "cabinet" ministers were to come from his party.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=200–207}}.</ref> He set out on a programme of wiping out "the destructive principles of the [[French Revolution]]", including [[Pluralism (political philosophy)|pluralism]] and parliamentary rule. This reached into local politics, whereby mayors who switched their allegiance to the ''Nasjonal Samling'' were rewarded with much greater powers. Investments were made in heavily censored cultural programmes, though the press remained theoretically free. To bolster the survival chances of the Nordic [[genotype]], [[contraception]] was severely restricted.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=207–212}}.</ref> Quisling's party experienced a rise in membership to a little over 30,000, but despite his optimism it was never to pass the 40,000 mark.<ref name="dahl215">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=215}}.</ref>
[[File:Vidkun Quisling og reichskommissar Terboven utenfor NRK-bygget i anledning kringskastingstale..jpg|thumb|German occupation forces in [[German-occupied Norway|Norway during World War II]], along with assembled German [[Ordnungspolizei|order police]] soldiers and Quisling, before a German propaganda event at the Colosseum cinema in Oslo, May 1941]]
On 5 December 1940, Quisling flew to Berlin to negotiate the future of Norway's independence. By the time he returned on 13 December, he had agreed to raise volunteers to fight with the German {{lang|de|[[Schutzstaffel]]}} (SS). In January, SS head [[Heinrich Himmler]] travelled to Norway to oversee preparations. Quisling clearly believed that if Norway supported Nazi Germany on the battlefield, there would be no reason for Germany to annex it. To this end, he opposed plans to have a German SS brigade loyal only to Hitler installed in Norway.<ref name="dahl219"/> In the process, he also toughened his attitude to the country harbouring the exiled king, the United Kingdom, which he no longer saw as a Nordic ally. Finally, Quisling aligned Norwegian policy on Jews with that of Germany, giving a speech in Frankfurt on 26 March 1941 in which he argued for compulsory exile, but warned against [[Final Solution|extermination]]: "And since [[Jewish question|the Jewish question]] cannot be solved by simply exterminating the Jews or sterilizing them, secondly their parasitic existence must be prevented by giving them, like the other peoples of the earth, their own land. However, their former land, [[Palestine (region)|Palestine]], has been the land of the Arabs for centuries. There is therefore no better and milder way to solve the Jewish problem than to get them another so-called promised land and to send them all there together, so as to, if possible, bring the eternal Jew and his divided soul to rest."<ref name="dahl219">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=219–225}}.</ref><ref>[http://virksommeord.no/tale/2463/ Kampen mellem arier og jødemakt, Vidkun Quisling (1887–1945) Frankfurt 28. mars 1941]</ref>
In May, Quisling was shattered by the death of his mother Anna, as the two had been particularly close. At the same time, the political crisis over Norwegian independence deepened, with Quisling threatening Terboven with his resignation over the issue of finance. In the end, the Reichskommissar agreed to compromise on the issue, but Quisling had to concede on the SS issue: A brigade was formed, but as a branch of the ''Nasjonal Samling.''<ref name="dahl219"/>
Meanwhile, the government line hardened, with Communist Party leaders arrested and trade unionists intimidated. On 10 September 1941, [[Viggo Hansteen]] and [[Rolf Wickstrøm]] were executed and many more imprisoned following the [[milk strike]] in Oslo. Hansteen's execution was later seen as a watershed moment, dividing the occupation into its more innocent and more deadly phases.<ref name="dahl225"/> The same year {{lang|no|[[Statspolitiet]]}} ("the State Police"), abolished in 1937, was reestablished to assist the [[Gestapo]] in Norway, and radio sets were confiscated across the country. Though these were all Terboven's decisions, Quisling agreed with them and went on to denounce the government-in-exile as "traitors." As a result of the toughened stance, an informal "ice front" emerged, with ''Nasjonal Samling'' supporters ostracised from society.<ref name="dahl225">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=225–232}}.</ref> Quisling remained convinced this was an anti-German sentiment that would fade away once Berlin had handed power over to ''Nasjonal Samling.'' However, the only concessions he won in 1941 were having the heads of ministries promoted to official ministers of the government and independence for the party secretariat.<ref name="dahl232">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=232–237}}.</ref>
[[File:Vidkun Quisling, Josef Terboven og to piker (8618020459).jpg|thumb|Two girls in [[Bunad]] greet Reichskommissar [[Josef Terboven]] and Minister President Vidkun Quisling on 1 February 1942.]]
In January 1942, Terboven announced the German administration would be wound down. Soon afterwards he told Quisling that Hitler had approved the transfer of power, scheduled for 30 January. Quisling remained doubtful it would happen, since Germany and Norway were in the midst of complex peace negotiations that could not be completed until peace had been reached on the [[Eastern Front (World War II)|Eastern Front]], while Terboven insisted that the {{lang|no|Reichskommissariat}} would remain in power until such peace came about.<ref name="dahl232"/> Quisling could nevertheless be reasonably confident that his position within the party and with Berlin was unassailable, even if he was unpopular within Norway, something of which he was well aware.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=240–242}}.</ref>
After a brief postponement, an announcement was made on 1 February 1942, detailing how the cabinet had elected Quisling to the post of [[minister president]] of the national government.<ref>{{harvnb|Borgen|1999|p=284}}.</ref><ref name="dahl247"/> The appointment was accompanied by a banquet, rallying, and other celebrations by the ''Nasjonal Samling'' members. In his first speech, Quisling committed the government to closer ties with Germany. The only change to the Constitution was the reinstatement of the [[History of the Jews in Norway|ban on Jewish entry into Norway]], which had been [[Norwegian Constitution#Development|abolished in 1851]].<ref name="dahl247">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=247–249}}.</ref>
===Minister President===
[[File:Vidkun Quisling hos norske frivillige på østfronten..jpg|thumb|Quisling with Norwegian volunteers on the eastern front in 1942]]
[[File: Quisling's office at the Royal Palace 1945.jpg|thumb|alt=A black and white image of a large room, with two large windows on the back wall, with two more walls coming away from this wall at right angles. There are a number of large sofas spaced around the room, as well as single chairs, and a large desk surrounded by chairs. On the walls that do not have windows, one has a large map of northern Europe, whilst the other wall has a large doorway leading out of the room.|Quisling's office at the Royal Palace, into which he moved in February 1942]]
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-2004-1001-500, Vidkun Quisling, Autogramm schreibend.jpg|thumb|alt=A middle-aged man in a dark coloured suit is writing on a pad of paper. Standing close to him and watching is a woman in her late twenties to early thirties. She is smiling, and wearing dark-coloured dungarees, with a shirt underneath and a scarf tied around her neck.|Quisling signing an autograph, 1943]]His new position gave Quisling a security of tenure he had not previously enjoyed, although the {{lang|no|Reichskommissariat}} remained outside his control. A month later, in February 1942, Quisling made his first state visit to Berlin. It was a productive trip, in which all key issues of Norwegian independence were discussed—but [[Joseph Goebbels]] in particular remained unconvinced of Quisling's credentials, noting that it was "unlikely" he would "...ever make a great statesman."<ref name="dahl250">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=250–255}}.</ref>
Back at home, Quisling was now less concerned about ''Nasjonal Samling's'' membership and even wanted action to clean up the membership list, including purging it of drunkards. On 12 March 1942, Norway officially became a [[one-party state]]. In time, criticism of, and resistance to, the party was criminalised, though Quisling expressed regret for having to take this step, hoping that every Norwegian would freely come around to accepting his government.<ref name="dahl250"/>
This optimism was short-lived. In the course of the summer of 1942, Quisling lost any ability he might have had to sway public opinion by attempting to force children into the ''Nasjonal Samlings Ungdomsfylking'' youth organisation, which was modelled on the [[Hitler Youth]]. This move prompted a mass resignation of teachers from their professional body and churchmen from their posts, along with large-scale civil unrest. His attempted indictment of Bishop [[Eivind Berggrav]] proved similarly controversial, even amongst his German allies. Quisling now toughened his stance, telling Norwegians that they would have the new regime forced upon them "whether they like it or not." On 1 May 1942, the German High Command noted that "organised resistance to Quisling has started" and Norway's peace talks with Germany stalled as a result.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=255–264}}.</ref> On 11 August 1942, Hitler postponed any further peace negotiations until the war ended. Quisling was admonished and learned that Norway would not get the independence he so greatly yearned for. As an added insult, for the first time he was forbidden to write letters directly to Hitler.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=269–271}}.</ref>
Quisling had earlier pushed for a corporate alternative to the [[Storting|Parliament of Norway]], the {{lang|no|Storting}}, which he called a {{lang|no|Riksting}}. It would comprise two chambers, the {{lang|no|Næringsting}} (Economic Chamber) and {{lang|no|Kulturting}} (Cultural Chamber). Now, in advance of ''Nasjonal Samling's'' eighth and last national convention on 25 September 1942 and becoming increasingly distrustful of professional bodies, he changed his mind. The ''Riksting'' became an advisory body while the {{lang|no|Førerting}}, or Leader Council, and parliamentary chambers were now to be independent bodies subordinate to their respective ministries.{{refn|Only the Cultural Chamber actually came into being with the Economic Chamber postponed because of unrest within the professional bodies it was supposed to represent.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=271–276}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=275–276}}.</ref>|group="nb"}}
After the convention, support for ''Nasjonal Samling,'' and Quisling personally, ebbed away. Increased factionalism and personal losses, including the accidental death of fellow politician [[Gulbrand Lunde]], were compounded by heavy-handed German tactics, such as the shooting of ten well-known residents of [[Trøndelag]] and its environs in [[Martial law in Trondheim in 1942|October 1942]]. In addition, the ''[[lex Eilifsen]]'' [[Ex post facto law|''ex-post facto'' law]] of August 1943, which led to the first death sentence passed by the regime, was widely seen as a blatant violation of the Constitution and a sign of Norway's increasing role in the [[Final Solution]], and would destroy everything the convention had achieved in terms of boosting party morale.<ref name="dahl279"/>
With government abetment and Quisling's personal engagement, Jews were registered in a German initiative of January 1942. On 26 October 1942, German forces, with help from the Norwegian police, arrested 300 registered male Jews in Norway and sent them to [[concentration camp]]s (most went to the [[Berg concentration camp]]) and manned by {{lang|no|[[Hirden]]}}, the paramilitary wing of ''Nasjonal Samling.''<ref name="hoidal597"/> Most controversially, the Jews' property was confiscated by the state.{{refn|Property confiscations were enabled by a law of 26 October 1942. Quisling's motivations in passing such a law have proved controversial, alternately labelled as collaborationist<ref name="hoidal597">{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=597}}.</ref> and an actively anti-collaborationist attempt to stop the occupiers from confiscating Jewish property.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=285}}.</ref>|group="nb"}}
On 26 November, the detainees were deported, along with their families. Although this was an entirely German initiative—Quisling himself was left unaware of it, although government assistance was provided—Quisling led the Norwegian public to believe that the first deportation of Jewish people, to camps in [[Occupation of Poland (1939–1945)|Nazi-German occupied Poland]], was his idea.<ref name="dahl279">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=279–287}}.</ref> A further 250 were deported in February 1943, and it remains unclear what the party's official position was on the eventual fate of the 759 Norwegian deportees. There is evidence to suggest that Quisling honestly believed the official line throughout 1943 and 1944 that they were awaiting repatriation to a [[Madagascar Plan|new Jewish homeland in Madagascar]].<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=288–289}}.</ref>{{refn|In reality, their destination was the extermination camp at [[Auschwitz]]. That Quisling understood the realities of the final solution is suggested by authors such as Høidal, but this has never been proven.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=289}}.</ref>|group="nb"}}
[[File:Fo30141711060048 "Germanske SS Norge paraderer på Slottsplassen" 1944-06-03 (NTBs krigsarkiv, Riksarkivet).jpg|thumb|Vidkun Quisling inspects Norwegian volunteers in the [[Germanic SS#Organizations|Germanic SS Norway]] (''Germanske SS Norge'') at [[Slottsplassen]] in Oslo, 1944]]
At the same time, Quisling believed that the only way he could win back Hitler's respect would be to raise volunteers for the now-faltering German war effort,<ref>{{harvnb|Hayes|1971|p=289}}.</ref> and he committed Norway wholeheartedly to German plans to wage [[total war]].<ref>{{harvnb|Høidal|1989|p=609}}.</ref> For him at least, after the German defeat at [[Battle of Stalingrad|Stalingrad]] in February 1943, Norway now had a part to play in keeping the German empire strong. In April 1943, Quisling delivered a scathing speech attacking Germany's refusal to outline its plans for post-war Europe. When he put this to Hitler in person, the Nazi leader remained unmoved despite Norway's contributions to the war effort. Quisling felt betrayed over this postponement of Norwegian freedom,<ref name="dahl297">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=297–305}}.</ref> an attitude that waned only when Hitler eventually committed to a free post-war Norway in September 1943.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=316}}.</ref>
Quisling tired during the final years of the war. In 1942 he passed 231 laws, 166 in 1943, and 139 in 1944. Social policy was the one area that still received significant attention. By that autumn, Quisling and [[Anton Mussert|Mussert]] in the Netherlands could be satisfied they had at least survived.<ref name="dahl306"/> In 1944, the weight problems Quisling had been having during the preceding two years also eased.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=328}}.</ref>
Despite the increasingly dire military outlook in 1943 and 1944, ''Nasjonal Samling's'' position at the head of the government, albeit with its ambiguous relationship to the ''[[Reichskommissariat]],'' remained unassailable.<ref name="dahl306">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=306–308, 325}}.</ref> Nevertheless, the Germans exerted increasing control over law and order in Norway. Following the deportation of the Jews, Germany deported Norwegian officers and finally attempted to deport students from the [[University of Oslo]]. Even Hitler was incensed by the scale of the arrests.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=319}}.</ref> Quisling became entangled in a similar debacle in early 1944 when he forced compulsory military service on elements of the ''[[Hirden]],'' causing a number of members to resign to avoid being drafted.<ref name="dahl345">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=345–350}}.</ref>
[[File:Quisling på talerstolen. (8617784523).jpg|thumb|Quisling gives a speech in [[Borre National Park|Borreparken]]]]
On 20 January 1945, Quisling made what would be his final trip to visit Hitler. He promised Norwegian support in the final phase of the war if Germany agreed to a peace deal that would remove Norway's affairs from German intervention. This proposal grew out of a fear that as German forces retreated southwards through Norway, the occupation government would have to struggle to keep control in northern Norway. To the horror of the Quisling regime, the Nazis instead decided on a [[scorched earth]] policy in northern Norway, going so far as to shoot Norwegian civilians who refused to evacuate the region.<ref name="dahl345"/> The period was also marked by increasing civilian casualties from [[Allies of World War II|Allied]] air raids, and mounting [[Norwegian resistance movement|resistance to the government]] within occupied Norway. The meeting with the German leader proved unsuccessful and upon being asked to sign the execution order of thousands of Norwegian "saboteurs," Quisling refused, an act of defiance that so enraged Terboven, acting on Hitler's orders, that he stormed out of the negotiations.<ref name="dahl345"/> On recounting the events of the trip to a friend, Quisling broke down in tears, convinced the Nazi refusal to sign a peace agreement would seal his reputation as a traitor.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=353}}.</ref>
Quisling spent the last months of the war trying to prevent Norwegian deaths in the showdown that was developing between German and Allied forces in Norway. The regime worked for the safe repatriation of Norwegians held in German [[prisoner-of-war camp]]s. Privately, Quisling had long accepted that National Socialism would be defeated. Hitler's suicide on 30 April 1945 left him free to pursue publicly his chosen end-game, a naïve offer of a transition to a power-sharing government with the government-in-exile.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=358–360}}.</ref>[[File:Villa Grande Quisling-5.jpg|thumb|alt=A large white building with a dark coloured roof. The building is surrounded by a number of trees.|Quisling's residence, [[Villa Grande (Oslo)|Villa Grande]], in 1945, which he called "[[Gimlé]]", a name taken from [[Norse mythology]]]]
On 7 May, Quisling ordered police not to offer armed resistance to the Allied advance except in self-defence or against overt members of the Norwegian resistance movement. The same day, Germany announced it would surrender unconditionally, making Quisling's position untenable.<ref name="dahl364">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=364–366}}.</ref>
A realist, Quisling met military leaders of the resistance on the following day to discuss how he would be arrested. Quisling declared that while he did not want to be treated as a common criminal, he did not want preferential treatment compared to his ''Nasjonal Samling'' colleagues. He argued he could have kept his forces fighting until the end, but had chosen not to so as to avoid turning "Norway into a battlefield." Instead, he tried to ensure a peaceful transition. In return, the resistance offered full trials for all accused ''Nasjonal Samling'' members after the war, and its leadership agreed he could be incarcerated in a house rather than a prison complex.<ref name="dahl364"/>
==Arrest==
[[File:Vidkun Quisling i arrest på Akershus festning, 1945. (8612497619).jpg|thumb|Vidkun Quisling in custody at Akershus fortress, 1945.]]
{{See also|Legal purge in Norway after World War II}}
The civil leadership of the resistance, represented by lawyer [[Sven Arntzen]], demanded Quisling be treated like any other murder suspect and, on 9 May 1945, Quisling and his ministers turned themselves in to police.<ref name="dahl371"/> Quisling was transferred to Cell 12 in [[Møllergata 19]], the main police station in Oslo. The cell was equipped with a tiny table, a basin, and a hole in the wall for a toilet bucket.<ref>{{harvnb|Bratteli|Myhre|1992|p=43}}.</ref>
After ten weeks of being constantly watched to prevent suicide attempts in police custody, he was transferred to [[Akershus Fortress]] and awaited trial as part of the [[Legal purge in Norway after World War II|legal purge]].<ref name="dahl371">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=371–373}}.</ref> He soon started working on his case with [[Henrik Bergh]], a lawyer with a good track record but largely unsympathetic, at least initially, to Quisling's plight. Bergh did, however, believe Quisling's testimony that he tried to act in the best interests of Norway and decided to use this as a starting point for the defence.<ref name="dahl374">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=374–378}}.</ref>
Initially, Quisling's charges related to the coup, including his revocation of the mobilisation order, to his time as ''Nasjonal Samling'' leader and to his actions as minister president, such as assisting the enemy and illegally attempting to alter the constitution. Finally, he was accused of [[Gunnar Eilifsen]]'s murder. While not contesting the key facts, he denied all charges on the grounds that he had always worked for a free and prosperous Norway, and submitted a sixty-page response.<ref name="dahl374"/> On 11 July 1945, a further indictment was brought, adding a raft of new charges, including more murders, theft, embezzlement, and, most worrying of all for Quisling, the charge of conspiring with Hitler over the invasion and occupation of Norway.<ref name="dahl380"/>
==Trial and execution==
{{Rquote|right|I know that the Norwegian people have sentenced me to death, and that the easiest course for me would be to take my own life. But I want to let history reach its own verdict. Believe me, in ten years' time I will have become another [[Saint Olav]].|Quisling to Bjørn Foss, 8 May 1945|{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=367}}}}
The trial opened on 20 August 1945.<ref name="dahl380">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=380–390}}.</ref> Quisling's defence rested on downplaying his unity with Germany and stressing that he had fought for total independence, something that seemed completely contrary to the recollections of many Norwegians. From that point on, wrote biographer Dahl, Quisling had to tread a "fine line between truth and falsehood", and emerged from it "an elusive and often pitiful figure".<ref name="dahl380"/> He misrepresented the truth on several occasions and the truthful majority of his statements won him few advocates in the country at large, where he remained almost universally despised.<ref name="dahl390"/>
In the later days of the trial, Quisling's health suffered, largely as a result of the number of medical tests to which he was subjected,<ref name="dahl390"/> and his defence faltered.<ref name="dahl390"/> The prosecution's final speech placed responsibility for the Final Solution being carried out in Norway at the feet of Quisling, using the testimony of German officials. The prosecutor [[Annæus Schjødt]] called for the [[death penalty]], using laws introduced by the government-in-exile in October 1941 and January 1942.<ref name="dahl390">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=390–400}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2000|p=274}}.</ref>
Speeches by both Bergh and Quisling himself could not change the outcome. When the verdict was announced on 10 September 1945, Quisling was convicted on all but a handful of minor charges and sentenced to death.
An October appeal to the [[Supreme Court of Norway|Supreme Court]] was rejected.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=400–407}}.</ref> The court process was judged to be "a model of fairness" in a commentary by author Maynard Cohen.<ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2000|p=276}}.</ref> After giving testimony in a number of other trials of ''Nasjonal Samling'' members, Quisling was [[execution by firing squad|executed by firing squad]] at [[Akershus Fortress]] at 02:40 on 24 October 1945.<ref>{{cite news|title=Justice – I|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,852394,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080905001857/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,852394,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=5 September 2008|work=Time Magazine|date=5 November 1945|access-date=28 April 2011}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=414–415}}.</ref> His last words before being shot were, "I'm convicted unfairly and I die innocent."<ref>{{harvnb|Bratteli|Myhre|1992|p=198}}.</ref> After his death his body was cremated and the ashes interred in Fyresdal.<ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2000|p=279}}.</ref>
==Legacy==
Quisling's wife Maria lived in Oslo until her death in 1980.<ref>{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|p=457}}.</ref> They had no children. Upon her death, she donated all their Russian antiques to a charitable fund that still operated in Oslo as of August 2017.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=129, 418}}.</ref> For most of his later political career, Quisling lived in a mansion on [[Bygdøy]] in Oslo that he called "[[Villa Grande|Gimle]]," after the place in [[Norse mythology]] where survivors of the great battle of [[Ragnarök]] were to live.<ref>{{harvnb|Bratteli|Myhre|1992|pp=50–51}}.</ref> The house, later renamed Villa Grande, in time became a [[The Holocaust|Holocaust]] museum.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P1-112640182.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121025140736/http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P1-112640182.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=25 October 2012|title=Norway turns traitor Quisling's home into symbol of tolerance|publisher=Highbeam Research (archived from [[Associated Press]])|date=30 August 2005|access-date=28 April 2011}}</ref> The ''Nasjonal Samling'' movement was wiped out as a political force in Norway and Quisling has become one of the most written-about Norwegians of all time.<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=417}}.</ref> [[Quisling|The word ''quisling'']] became a synonym for ''[[traitor]]''.<ref>{{harvnb|Yourieff|2007|p=xi}}.</ref> The term was coined by the British newspaper ''[[The Times]]'' in its lead of 15 April 1940, titled "Quislings everywhere."<ref>{{cite news|title=Quislers|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,794977,00.html|work=Time Magazine|page=1|date=29 April 1940|access-date=28 April 2011|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111020194451/https://time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,794977,00.html|archive-date=20 October 2011}}</ref> The noun survived, and for a while during and after World War II, the [[back-formation|back-formed]] verb ''to quisle'' {{IPAc-en|ˈ|k|w|ɪ|z|əl}} was used. One who was ''quisling'' was in the act of committing treason.<ref>{{harvnb|Block (ed.)|1940|p=669}}.</ref>
==Personality==
To his supporters, Quisling was regarded as a conscientious administrator of the highest order, knowledgeable and with an eye for detail. He was believed to care deeply about his people and maintained high moral standards throughout.<ref name="dahl328">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=328–331}}.</ref> To his opponents, Quisling was unstable and undisciplined, abrupt, even threatening. Quite possibly he was both, at ease among friends and under pressure when confronted with his political opponents, and generally shy and retiring with both. During formal dinners he often said nothing at all except for the occasional cascade of dramatic rhetoric. Indeed, he did not react well to pressure and would often let slip over-dramatic sentiments when put on the spot. Normally open to criticism, he was prone to assuming larger groups were conspiratorial.<ref name="dahl328"/>
Post-war interpretations of Quisling's character are similarly mixed. After the war, collaborationist behaviour was popularly viewed as a result of mental deficiency, leaving the personality of the clearly more intelligent Quisling an "enigma". He was instead seen as weak, paranoid, intellectually sterile, and power-hungry: ultimately "muddled rather than thoroughly corrupted".<ref>{{cite journal|last=Hoberman|first=John M.|title=Vidkun Quisling's Psychological Image|journal=Scandinavian Studies|year=1974|volume=46|issue=3|pages=242–264|pmid=11635923}}</ref>
As quoted by Dahl, psychiatrist [[Gabriel Langfeldt]] stated Quisling's ultimate philosophical goals "fitted the classic description of the [[paranoid]] megalomaniac more exactly than any other case [he had] ever encountered."<ref>{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|p=10}}.</ref>
During his time in office, Quisling arose early, often having completed several hours of work before arriving at the office between 9:30 and 10:00. He liked to intervene in virtually all government matters, reading all letters addressed to him or his chancellery personally and marking a surprising number for action.<ref name="dahl321">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=321–322}}.</ref> Quisling was independent minded, made several key decisions on the spot and, unlike his German counterpart, he liked to follow procedure to ensure that government remained "a dignified and civilised" affair throughout.<ref name="dahl321"/> He took a personal interest in the administration of Fyresdal, where he was born.<ref name="dahl328"/>
He rejected [[Master race|German racial supremacy]] and instead saw the Norwegian race as the progenitor of Northern Europe, tracing his own family tree in his spare time.<ref name="dahl328"/> Party members did not receive preferential treatment,<ref name="dahl321"/> though Quisling did not himself share in the wartime hardships of his fellow Norwegians. Nevertheless, many gifts went unused and he did not live extravagantly.<ref name="dahl328"/>
==Religious and philosophical views {{anchor|Universism}}==
[[File:Quisling library.jpg|thumb|alt=A black and white image of a room with a wood panelled ceiling, with a large fireplace and bookshelves on two sides of the room. At the far end of the room is a glass fronted double door leading away. There are a number of small chairs and tables around the room.|Quisling's library included works of a number of eminent philosophers]]
Quisling was interested in science, eastern religions and metaphysics, eventually building up a library that included the works of [[Baruch Spinoza|Spinoza]], [[Immanuel Kant|Kant]], [[Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel|Hegel]] and [[Arthur Schopenhauer|Schopenhauer]]. He kept up with developments in the realm of [[quantum physics]], but did not keep up with more current philosophical ideas.<ref name="dahl8"/> He blended philosophy and science into what he called Universism, or Universalism, which was a unified explanation of everything. His original writings stretched to a claimed two thousand pages.<ref name="dahl8">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=8–9}}.</ref> He rejected the basic teachings of [[First Council of Nicaea|orthodox Christianity]] and established a new theory of life, which he called ''Universism'', a term borrowed from a textbook which [[Jan Jakob Maria de Groot]] had written on [[Chinese philosophy]]. De Groot's book argued that Taoism, Confucianism and Buddhism were all part of a world religion that De Groot called Universism. Quisling described how his philosophy "... followed from the universal [[theory of relativity]], of which the [[Special theory of relativity|specific]] and [[General theory of relativity|general theories of relativity]] are special instances."
His ''[[Masterpiece|magnum opus]]'' was divided into four parts: an introduction, a description of mankind's apparent progression from individual to increasing complex consciousnesses, a section on his tenets of morality and law, and a final section on science, art, politics, history, race and religion. The conclusion was to be titled ''The World's Organic Classification and Organisation'', but the work remained unfinished. Generally, Quisling worked on it infrequently during his time in politics. The biographer [[Hans Fredrik Dahl]] describes this as "fortunate" since Quisling would "never have won recognition" as a philosopher.<ref name="dahl8"/>
During his trial and particularly after being sentenced, Quisling became interested once more in Universism. He saw the events of the war as part of the move towards the establishment of God's kingdom on earth and justified his actions in those terms. During the first week of October, he wrote a fifty-page document titled ''Universistic Aphorisms'', which represented "...an almost ecstatic revelation of truth and the light to come, which bore the mark of nothing less than a prophet."<ref name="dahl410"/> The document was also notable for its attack on the [[materialism]] of Nazism. In addition, he simultaneously worked on a sermon, ''Eternal Justice'', which reiterated his key beliefs, including reincarnation.<ref name="dahl410">{{harvnb|Dahl|1999|pp=410–412}}.</ref>
== In popular culture ==
Quisling was portrayed by [[Gard B. Eidsvold]] in the 2024 Norwegian film [[Quisling: The Final Days]] which dramatized the arrest, trial and execution of the Nazi collaborator. The film was well received by critics.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Simon |first1=Alissa |title='Quisling -The Final Days' Review: A Superb Historical Drama About the Far-Right’s Threat to Democracy |url=https://variety.com/2024/film/reviews/quisling-the-final-days-review-quislings-siste-dager-1236131562/ |website=Variety |access-date=9 September 2024 |date=9 September 2024 |archive-date=27 September 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240927065344/https://variety.com/2024/film/reviews/quisling-the-final-days-review-quislings-siste-dager-1236131562/ |url-status=live }}</ref>
==Works==
*{{cite book|last=Quisling|first=Vidkun|date=1931|title=Russia and Ourselves|url=https://archive.org/details/russia-and-ourselves/page/n3/mode/2up|publisher=Hodder & Stoughton}}
===In Norwegian===
*{{cite book|last=Quisling|first=Vidkun|date=1941|title=Russland og vi|url=https://archive.org/details/russland-og-vi--|publisher=Blix forlag}}
====Articles and speeches====
*{{cite book|last=|first=|date=1940|title=Quisling har sagt – I. Citater fra taler og avisartikler|url=https://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digibok_2007011001015|publisher=J. M. Stenersens forlag}}
*{{cite book|last=|first=|date=1941|title=Quisling har sagt – II. Ti års kamp mot katastrofepolitikken|url=https://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digibok_2007020101108|publisher=Gunnar Stenersens forlag}}
*{{cite book|last=|first=|date=1943|title=Quisling har sagt – IV. Mot nytt land. Artikler og taler av Vidkun Quisling 1941–1943|url=https://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digibok_2007021501040|publisher=Blix forlag}}
*{{cite book|last=|first=|date=1941|title=For Norges frihet og selvstendighet. Artikler og taler 9. april 1940 – 23. juni 1941|url=https://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digibok_2007013101020|publisher=Gunnar Stenersens forlag}}
*{{cite book|author=Jensen, Tom B. |date=1996 |publication-place=Oslo |publisher=Grafisk media forl. |title=bibliografi av og om Vidkun Quisling |url=http://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digibok_2018011907009}}<!-- auto-translated from Norwegian by Module:CS1 translator -->
==See also==
*[[Førergarde]], Quisling's personal guard
*Others whose names became terms meaning "traitor":
**[[Philippe Pétain]], French Marshal
**[[Andrey Vlasov]], Soviet general
**[[Mir Jafar#Legacy|Mir Jafar]], ruler of Bengal
**[[Robert Lundy]], Scottish army officer
**[[Wang Jingwei#Legacy|Wang Jingwei]], Chinese politician
**[[Benedict Arnold#Legacy|Benedict Arnold]], American officer
**[[Joaquim Silvério dos Reis]], Brazilian officer and landowner
**[[Judas Iscariot|Judas]], Apostle
==Further reading==
*Hewins, Ralph. (1965). ''Quisling, Prophet without Honour''. London: W. H. Allen.
*{{Cite book|title=Current Biography Yearbook|title-link=Current Biography|year=1940|___location=New York|publisher=H. W. Wilson|editor-first=Maxine|editor-last=Block|ref={{harvid|Block (ed.)|1940}}}}
*Borgersrud, Lars. "9 April revised: on the Norwegian history tradition after Magne Skodvin on Quisling and the invasion of Norway in 19401", ''Scandinavian Journal of History'' 39.3 (2014): 353–397, historiography
*Hamre, Martin Kristoffer. "Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936", ''Fascism'' 8.1 (2019): 36–60. [https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/8/1/article-p36_36.xml online]
*Hayes, Paul M. "Vidkun Quisling", ''History Today'' (May 1966), Vol. 16 Issue 5, pp. 332–340, online
*{{Cite journal|last=Hayes|first=Paul M.|title=Quisling's Political Ideas|journal=[[Journal of Contemporary History]]|year=1966|volume=1|issue=1|pages=145–157|jstor=259653|doi = 10.1177/002200946600100109|s2cid=152904669}}
*{{Cite book|title=Quisling: the career and political ideas of Vidkun Quisling, 1887–1945|last=Hayes|first=Paul M.|publisher=David & Charles|___location=[[Newton Abbot]], UK|year=1971|oclc=320725}}
*Høidal, Oddvar K. "Vidkun Quisling and the Deportation of Norway's Jews", ''Scandinavian Studies''; 88.3 (2016): 270–294. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/scanstud.88.3.0270 online]
*Larsen, Stein Ugelvik. "Charisma from Below? The Quisling Case in Norway", ''Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions'' 7#2 (2006): 235–244.
*Larsen, Stein Ugelvik, "The Social Foundations of Norwegian Fascism 1933–1945: An Analysis of Membership Data" in Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, and Jan Petter Myklebust, eds. ''Who were the fascists: social roots of European fascism'' (Columbia University Press, 1980).
===In Norwegian===
*{{Cite book|title=Gud, det er meg: Vidkun Quisling som politisk filosof|last=Barth|first=E. M.|author-link=Else M. Barth|year=1996|___location=Oslo|publisher=[[Pax Forlag]]|isbn=82-530-1803-7|language=}}
*{{Cite book|title=Norges statsministre|last=Borgen|first=Per Otto|year=1999|___location=Oslo|publisher=Aschehoug|isbn=82-03-22389-3|language=}}
*{{Cite book|title=Quislings siste dager|last1=Bratteli|first1=Tone|last2=Myhre|first2=Hans B.|year=1992|___location=Oslo|publisher=Cappelen|isbn=82-02-13345-9|language=}}
*{{Cite book|title=Fører uten folk. Forsvarsminister Quisling – hans bakgrunn og vei inn i norsk politikk|last=Hartmann|first=Sverre|publisher=Tiden Norsk Forlag|___location=Oslo|year=1970|orig-year=1959|edition=2nd rev.|oclc=7812651|language=}}
*{{Cite book|title=Privatmennesket Quisling og hans to kvinner|last=Juritzen|first=Arve|author-link=Arve Juritzen|publisher=Aventura|___location=Oslo|year=1988|isbn=82-588-0500-2|language=}}
*{{Cite book|title=Gal mann til rett tid: NS-minister Sverre Riisnæs – en psykobiografi|last=Ringdal|first=Nils Johan|author-link=Nils Johan Ringdal|year=1989|___location=Oslo|publisher=Aschehoug|isbn=82-03-16584-2|language=}}
*{{Cite book|title=Dagbok og andre efterlatte papirer|last=Quisling|first=Maria|year=1980|editor-last=Parmann|editor-first=Øistein|editor-link=Øistein Parmann|___location=Oslo|publisher=Dreyer|isbn=82-09-01877-9|language=}}
===Primary sources===
*{{Cite book|title=Quisling: A Study in Treachery|last=Dahl|first=Hans Fredrik|author-link=Hans Fredrik Dahl|year=1999|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|___location=Cambridge, UK|isbn=0-521-49697-7|others=Stanton-Ife, Anne-Marie (trans.)}}
*{{Cite book|title=A stand against tyranny: Norway's physicians and the Nazis|first=Maynard M.|last=Cohen|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7cmx6u2GF80C|year=2000|publisher=Wayne State University Press|isbn=978-0-8143-2934-4|___location=Detroit}}
*{{Cite book|last=Høidal|first=Oddvar K.|year=1989|title=Quisling: A study in treason|___location=Oslo|publisher=Universitetsforlaget|isbn=82-00-18400-5}}
*{{Cite book|title=In Quisling's shadow: the memoirs of Vidkun Quisling's first wife, Alexandra|last1=Yourieff|first1=Alexandra Andreevna Voronine|last2=Yourieff|first2=W. George|last3=Seaver|first3=Kirsten A.|year=2007|publisher=Hoover Institution Press|___location=[[Stanford, California|Stanford]]|isbn=978-0-8179-4832-0|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kaiyKJZxjBUC|ref={{harvid|Yourieff|2007}}}}
==Footnotes==
{{Reflist|group=nb}}
==References==
{{Reflist|20em}}
==External links==
{{Commons category}}
*{{PM20|FID=pe/013990}}
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{{s-bef|before=[[Torgeir Anderssen-Rysst]]}}
{{s-ttl|title=[[Minister of Defence (Norway)|Minister of Defence of Norway]]|years=1931–1933}}
{{s-aft|after=[[Jens Isak de Lange Kobro]]}}
{{s-bef|before=Office created}}
{{s-ttl|title=[[List of heads of government of Norway|Minister President of Norway]]|years=1942–1945}}
{{s-aft|after=Office abolished}}
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{{Fascism}}
{{NorwegianPrimeMinisters}}
{{Authority control}}
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