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{{Short description|1982 Canadian constitutional legislation}}
{{redirect|Charter of Rights and Freedoms|the Quebec charter|Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms}}
{{redirect|The Charter|other uses|Charter (disambiguation)}}
{{Use mdy dates|date=June 2022}}
{{Infobox document
|document_name = ''Canadian Charter {{nowrap|of Rights and Freedoms}}''
|image = Canadiancharterofrightsandfreedoms.jpg
|image_caption = English language version of the Charter
|date_created = 1982
|date_ratified =
|location_of_document =
|writer =
|signers =
|purpose = To protect the rights and freedoms of all Canadians
|wikisource=Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
}}
{{Constitutional history of Canada}}
{{italic title}}
The '''''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms''''' ({{langx|fr|Charte canadienne des droits et libertés}}), often simply referred to as the '''''Charter''''' in Canada, is a [[bill of rights]] [[entrenched clause|entrenched]] in the [[Constitution of Canada]], forming the first part of the ''[[Constitution Act, 1982]]''. The ''Charter'' guarantees certain political rights to Canadian citizens and guarantees the [[civil rights]] of everyone in Canada. It is designed to unify Canadians around a set of principles that embody those rights. The ''Charter'' was proclaimed in force by [[Monarchy of Canada|Queen Elizabeth II of Canada]] on April 17, 1982, as part of the ''Constitution Act, 1982''.
 
The ''Charter'' was preceded by the ''[[Canadian Bill of Rights]]'', enacted in 1960, which was a federal [[statute]] rather than a constitutional document. The ''Bill of Rights'' exemplified an international trend towards formalizing human rights protections following the United Nations' ''[[Universal Declaration of Human Rights]]'',<ref name=":4">{{cite book |last1=Monahan |first1=Patrick J. |last2=Shaw |first2=Byron |last3=Ryan |first3=Padraic |year=2017 |title=Constitutional Law |edition=5th |___location=Toronto, ON |publisher=Irwin Law Inc. |pages=409–410 |isbn=978-1552214404}}</ref> instigated by the [[human rights in Canada|country's movement for human rights]] and freedoms that emerged after World War II.<ref name=":0">{{cite book |author-link=Peter Hogg |last=Hogg |first=Peter W. |year=2003 |title=Constitutional Law of Canada |edition=student |___location=Scarborough, ON |publisher=Thomson Canada |page=689}}</ref> As a federal statute, the ''Bill of Rights'' could be amended through the ordinary legislative process and had no application to provincial laws.<ref name=":4" /> The [[Supreme Court of Canada]] also narrowly interpreted the ''Bill of Rights'', showing reluctance to declare laws inoperative.<ref group="lower-alpha">''[[R. v. Drybones]]'' (1969), [1970] S.C.R. 282—the one and only federal law declared inoperative by the Supreme Court based on the ''Bill of Rights''.
 
'''See''': [[Canada (AG) v Lavell|''Canada (AG) v. Lavell'']], [1974] S.C.R. 1349—example of narrow interpretation by the SC.</ref> Between 1960 and 1982, only five of the thirty-five cases concerning the ''Bill of Rights'' that were heard by the Supreme Court of Canada resulted in a successful outcome for claimants.<ref name=":4" /> The relative ineffectiveness of the ''Canadian Bill of Rights'' motivated many to improve rights protections in Canada. The British Parliament formally enacted the ''Charter'' as a part of the ''[[Canada Act 1982]]'' at the request of the [[Parliament of Canada]] in 1982, the result of the efforts of the government of [[Prime Minister of Canada|Prime Minister]] [[Pierre Trudeau]].
 
The ''Charter'' greatly expanded the scope of [[judicial review]], because the ''Charter'' is more explicit with respect to the guarantee of rights and the role of judges in enforcing them than was the ''Canadian Bill of Rights''. [[Court system of Canada|Canadian courts]], when confronted with violations of ''Charter'' rights, have struck down unconstitutional federal and provincial statutes and regulations or parts of statutes and regulations, as they did when [[Law of Canada|Canadian case law]] was primarily concerned with resolving issues of [[Canadian federalism|federalism]]. The ''Charter'', however, granted new powers to the courts to enforce remedies that are more creative and to exclude more evidence in trials. These powers are greater than what was typical under the [[common law]] and under a system of government that, influenced by Canada's parent country the United Kingdom, was based upon [[Parliamentary supremacy]]. As a result, the ''Charter'' has attracted both broad support from a majority of the electorate and criticisms by opponents of increased [[judicial power]]. The ''Charter'' applies only to government laws and actions (including the laws and actions of federal, provincial, and municipal governments and public school boards), and sometimes to the common law, not to private activity.
 
==Features==
{{Canadian Charter}}
Under the ''Charter'', people physically present in Canada have numerous civil and political rights. Most of the rights can be exercised by any legal person (the ''Charter'' does not define the corporation as a "legal person"),<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|741–2}} but a few of the rights belong exclusively to natural persons, or (as in sections 3 and 6) only to [[Canadian nationality law|citizens of Canada]]. The rights are enforceable by the courts through [[Section Twenty-four of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 24]] of the ''Charter'', which allows courts discretion to award remedies to those whose rights have been denied. This section also allows courts to exclude evidence in trials if the evidence was acquired in a way that conflicts with the ''Charter'' and might damage the reputation of the justice system. [[Section 32 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 32]] confirms that the ''Charter'' is binding on the federal government, the territories under its authority, and the provincial governments.
[[Image:Charter.jpg|thumb|right|350px|The ''Charter'', signed by [[Prime Minister of Canada|Prime Minister]] [[Pierre Trudeau]] in 1981.]]
The '''''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms''''' is a constitutionally entrenched [[bill of rights]] which forms the first part of the ''[[Constitution Act, 1982]]'', added to the [[Constitution of Canada]] in [[1982]]. Its purpose is to protect certain political and civil rights of people in [[Canada]] from actions and policies of all levels of government.
 
===Exceptions===
An earlier bill of rights, the ''[[Canadian Bill of Rights]]'' (1960), introduced by the [[John Diefenbaker|Diefenbaker]] government, was not constitutionally entrenched and thus had a far more limited scope and was easily amendable. Desires to improve upon this rights protection, the general [[human rights]] and [[freedom]]s movement that grew after [[World War II]] and was enunciated in the ''[[Universal Declaration of Human Rights]]'',<ref>Peter W. Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada''. 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003, page 689.</ref> and intentions to unify Canadians around a certain set of [[principle]]s, led to the ''Charter'' being enacted by the government of [[Pierre Trudeau]].
[[Section 1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 1]] of the ''Charter'', known as the ''limitations clause'', allows governments to justify certain infringements of ''Charter'' rights. If a court finds that a ''Charter'' right has been infringed, it conducts an analysis under section 1 by applying the [[R v Oakes|''Oakes'' test]], a form of [[Proportionality (law)|proportionality]] review. Infringements are upheld if the government's objective in infringing the right is "pressing and substantial" in a "free and democratic society", and if the infringement can be "demonstrably justified".<ref>''[[R v Oakes]]'', [1986] 1 SCR 103, [https://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1986/1986canlii46/1986canlii46.html 1986 CanLII 46] at paras 69–70.</ref> The [[Supreme Court of Canada]] has applied the ''Oakes'' test to uphold laws against [[hate speech]] (e.g., in ''[[R v Keegstra]]'') and [[obscenity]] (e.g., in ''[[R v Butler]]''). Section 1 also confirms that the rights listed in the ''Charter'' are guaranteed.
 
In addition, some ''Charter'' rights are subject to the ''notwithstanding clause'' ([[Section Thirty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 33]]). The notwithstanding clause authorizes governments to temporarily override the rights and freedoms in sections 2 and 7 through 15 for up to five years, subject to renewal. The Canadian federal government has never invoked it, and some have speculated that its use would be politically costly.<ref>Scoffield, Heather. September 13, 2010. "Ottawa rules out invoking notwithstanding clause to stop migrant ships." ''[[The Canadian Press|Canadian Press]]''. [news article].</ref> In the past, the notwithstanding clause was invoked routinely by the province of [[Quebec]] (which did not support the enactment of the ''Charter'' but is subject to it nonetheless). The provinces of [[Saskatchewan]] and [[Alberta]] have also invoked the notwithstanding clause, to end a [[strike action|strike]] and to protect an exclusively [[Same-sex marriage in Canada|heterosexual definition]] of marriage,<ref>[http://www.canlii.org/ab/laws/sta/m-5/20060217/whole.html ''Marriage Act''], R.S.A. 2000, c. M-5. {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070113082005/http://www.canlii.org/ab/laws/sta/m-5/20060217/whole.html|date=January 13, 2007}}, accessed on March 10, 2006.</ref>{{efn|Alberta's use of the notwithstanding clause is of no force or effect, since the definition of marriage is under federal and not provincial jurisdiction.<ref>McKnight, Peter. January 21, 2006. "Notwithstanding what?" ''[[The Vancouver Sun]].'' p. C.4. [news article].</ref>}} respectively. In 2021, the government of [[Ontario]] under Premier [[Doug Ford]] invoked the notwithstanding clause in order to push through Bill 307, the ''Protecting Elections and Defending Democracy Act'', doubling the amount of time election advertisements could run to 1 year from 6 months.<ref>{{Cite news |date=June 14, 2021 |title=Ford government pushes through controversial election spending bill with notwithstanding clause |work=CBC News |url=https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/notwithstanding-clause-vote-ontario-1.6064952 |access-date=June 7, 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=What is the notwithstanding clause and why did Doug Ford just invoke it in Ontario? |url=https://www.blogto.com/city/2021/06/what-notwithstanding-clause-why-doug-ford-invoke-ontario/ |access-date=June 7, 2022 |website=www.blogto.com |language=en}}</ref> In 2006, the territory of [[Yukon]] also passed legislation that invoked the notwithstanding clause, but the legislation was never proclaimed in force.<ref>Parliamentary Information and Research Service. 2006. "[http://www.parl.gc.ca/information/library/PRBpubs/bp194-e.htm#Section The Notwithstanding Clause of the Charter]." ''Library of Parliament'', prepared by D. Johansen (1989), revised May 2005. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061115221734/http://www.parl.gc.ca/information/library/PRBpubs/bp194-e.htm#Section|date=November 15, 2006}}, accessed on August 7, 2006.</ref>
One of the most notable effects of the adoption of the ''Charter'' was to greatly expand the scope of [[judicial review]], as the ''Charter'' makes its guarantees and its expectations on the role of judges in carrying them out more explicit than had the ''Bill of Rights''. The [[Court system of Canada|courts]], when confronted with violations of ''Charter'' rights, have carried on their practices from earlier times when Canadian case law was primarily concerned with resolving issues of [[Canadian federalism]], namely striking down unconstitutional [[statute]]s or parts of statutes. However, courts also have new powers to enforce more creative remedies and exclude more evidence in trials than was typical under the [[common law]] and under a system of government that, being influenced by Canada's mother country the [[United Kingdom]], emphasized [[Parliamentary supremacy]]. The result was that the ''Charter'' would inspire both passionate support and fierce opposition among Canadians.
 
=== Rights and freedoms ===
==Features of the ''Charter''==
The rights and freedoms enshrined in 34 sections of the ''Charter'' include:
Under the ''Charter'', all people in Canada enjoy certain '''fundamental freedoms''' (under [[Section Two of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 2]]), namely [[freedom of religion]], [[freedom of thought]], [[freedom of speech|freedom of expression]] and [[freedom of the press]], [[freedom of assembly|peaceful assembly]], and [[freedom of association]]. Canadian citizens (and in some cases, permanent residents and other people in Canada, including corporations) also enjoy the following rights:
 
====Fundamental freedoms====
: '''democratic rights''': generally, the right to participate in political activities and to a democratic form of government:
::[[Section Three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 3:]] the right to vote and to eligibility to serve as member of a legislature.
::[[Section Four of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 4:]] a maximum duration of legislatures is set at five years.
::[[Section Five of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 5:]] an annual sitting of legislatures is required as a minimum.
: '''mobility rights''' ([[Section Six of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 6]]): the right to enter and leave Canada, and to move to and take up residence in any province, or to reside outside Canada.
: '''legal rights''': rights of people in dealing with the justice system and law enforcement, namely:
::[[Section Seven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 7:]] life, liberty, and security of the person.
::[[Section Eight of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 8:]] freedom from unreasonable search and seizure.
::[[Section Nine of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 9:]] freedom from arbitrary detention.
::[[Section Ten of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 10:]] rights on arrest or detention, including the right to retain a lawyer and to be informed of that right.
::[[Section Eleven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 11:]] rights in criminal and penal matters such as the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty.
::[[Section Twelve of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 12:]] freedom from cruel and unusual punishment.
::[[Section Thirteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 13:]] rights not to incriminate oneself.
::[[Section Fourteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 14:]] rights to an interpreter in a court proceeding .
: '''equality rights''' ([[Section Fifteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 15]]): equal treatment before and under the law, and equal protection and benefit of the law without discrimination.
: '''language rights''': generally, the right to use either the English or French languages in communications with Canada's federal government and certain provincial governments. Specifically, the language laws enshrined in the Charter include:
::[[Section Sixteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 16:]] English and French as official languages of Canada and New Brunswick.
::[[Section Sixteen One of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 16.1:]] English New Brunswick and French New Brunswick are equal.
::[[Section Seventeen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 17:]] The right to use either official language in Parliament or the New Brunswick legislature.
::[[Section Eighteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 18:]] The statutes and proceedings of Parliament and the New Brunswick legislature are to be printed in both official languages
::[[Section Nineteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 19:]] Both official languages may be used in federal and New Brunswick courts.
::[[Section Twenty of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 20:]] The right to communicate with and be served by the federal and New Brunswick governments in either official language.
::[[Section Twenty-one of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 21:]] Existing constitutional language rights regarding English and French are sustained.
::[[Section Twenty-two of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 22:]] Existing rights to use other languages are not affected by the language rights in the Charter.
: '''minority language education rights''' ([[Section Twenty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 23]]): rights for certain citizens belonging to French or English-speaking minority communities to be educated in their own language.
 
;[[Section Two of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 2]]: lists what the ''Charter'' calls "fundamental freedoms" namely [[freedom of conscience]], [[freedom of religion]], [[freedom of thought]], [[freedom of belief]], [[freedom of expression]], [[freedom of the press]] and of other media of communication, [[freedom of assembly|freedom of peaceful assembly]], and [[freedom of association]]. In case law, this clause is cited as the reason for the [[secular state|religious neutrality of the state]].
These rights are generally subject to the reasonable limitations clause ([[Section One of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 1]]) and the notwithstanding clause ([[Section Thirty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 33]]). The so-called notwithstanding clause authorizes governments to temporarily override the rights and freedoms in sections 2 and 7-15 for up to five years, subject to renewal. It has never been invoked by the Canadian federal government, and some have speculated that its use would be politically costly. In the past, the notwithstanding clause has been invoked by the province of [[Quebec]], which has never ratified the Charter but is subject to it nonetheless. The provinces of [[Saskatchewan]] and [[Alberta]] have also invoked the notwithstanding clause, to protect back-to-work legislation and an exclusively heterosexual definition of marriage, respectively.
 
====Democratic rights====
The limitations clause in section 1 allows governments to justify certain infringements of ''Charter'' rights and allows courts to uphold such laws.
Generally, the right to participate in political activities and the right to a [[democracy|democratic]] form of government are protected:
;[[Section Three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 3]] : the right to [[voting|vote]] and to be eligible to serve as member of the [[House of Commons of Canada|House of Commons]] and [[Legislative Assemblies of Canada's provinces and territories|provincial and territorial legislative assemblies]].
;[[Section Four of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 4]] : the maximum duration of the House of Commons and legislative assemblies is set at five years.
;[[Section Five of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 5]] : an annual sitting of Parliament and legislatures is required.
 
====Mobility rights====
Other sections that help understand how the Charter works in practice include:
 
:[[Preamble to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|The preamble:]] Identification of founding principles.
:;[[Section Twenty-fourSix of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 24:6]]: Theprotects courtsthe maymobility enforcerights Charterof rightsCanadian citizens which include the right to enter, remain in, and leave Canada. Citizens and permanent residents have the ability to move to and take up residence in any province to pursue their livelihood.
 
:[[Section Twenty-five of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 25:]] The Charter does not derogate existing Aboriginal rights and freedoms.
====Legal rights====
:[[Section Twenty-six of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 26:]] Other rights and freedoms in Canada are not invalidated by the Charter.
Rights of people in dealing with the justice system and law enforcement are protected:
:[[Section Twenty-seven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 27:]] The Charter is to be interpreted in a multicultural context.
 
:[[Section Twenty-eight of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 28:]] All Charter rights are guaranteed equally to men and women.
:;[[Section Twenty-nineSeven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 29:7]]: Theright rightsto oflife, religiousliberty, schoolsand aresecurity of the preservedperson.
:;[[Section ThirtyEight of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 30:8]]: Afreedom clarificationfrom onunreasonable the[[search applicabilityand of the Charter in the territoriesseizure]].
:;[[Section Thirty-oneNine of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 31:9]]: Thefreedom Charterfrom doesarbitrary notdetention extend the rights ofor legislaturesimprisonment.
:;[[Section Thirty-twoTen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 32:10]]: Theright Charter is binding on theto federallegal governmentcounsel (and the territoriesguarantee underof its[[habeas authority) and on the provincial governments; people do not have rights against other peoplecorpus]].
;[[Section Eleven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 11]]: rights in criminal and penal matters such as the right to be [[presumption of innocence|presumed innocent]] until proven guilty.
:Section 34: Citation (ie., this section states that the first 34 sections of the Constitution Act, 1982 may be collectively referred to as the "''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms''").
;[[Section Twelve of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 12]]: right not to be subject to [[cruel and unusual punishment]].
;[[Section Thirteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 13]]: rights against self-incrimination.
;[[Section Fourteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 14]]: right to an interpreter in a court proceeding.
 
====Equality rights====
 
;[[Section Fifteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 15]] :equal treatment before and under the law, and equal protection and benefit of the law without discrimination.
 
====Language rights====
Generally, people have the right to use either the [[English language|English]] or [[French language]] in communications with Canada's federal government and certain provincial governments. Specifically, the language laws in the ''Charter'' include:
 
;[[Section Sixteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 16]]: English and French are the official languages of Canada and [[New Brunswick]].
;[[Section Sixteen One of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 16.1]]: the English and French-speaking communities of New Brunswick have equal rights to [[Education in Canada|educational]] and [[Culture of Canada|cultural]] institutions.
;[[Section Seventeen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 17]]: the right to use either official language in [[Parliament of Canada|Parliament]] or the New Brunswick legislature.
;[[Section Eighteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 18]]: the statutes and proceedings of Parliament and the New Brunswick legislature are to be printed in both official languages.
;[[Section Nineteen of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 19]] :both official languages may be used in federal and New Brunswick courts.
;[[Section Twenty of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 20]] :the right to communicate with and be served by the federal and New Brunswick governments in either official language.
;[[Section Twenty-one of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 21]] :other constitutional language rights outside the ''Charter'' regarding English and French are sustained.
;[[Section Twenty-two of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 22]] :existing rights to use languages besides English and French are not affected by the fact that only English and French have language rights in the ''Charter''. (Hence, if there are any rights to use [[Aboriginal peoples in Canada|Aboriginal]] languages anywhere they would continue to exist, though they would have no direct protection under the ''Charter''.)
 
====Minority language education rights====
 
;[[Section Twenty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 23]]: rights for certain citizens belonging to French and English speaking minority communities to have their children educated in their own language.
 
====Other sections====
The remaining provisions help to clarify how the ''Charter'' works in practice.
 
;[[Section 24 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 24]] :establishes how courts may enforce the ''Charter''.
;[[Section Twenty-five of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 25]] :states that the ''Charter'' does not derogate existing Aboriginal rights and freedoms. Aboriginal rights, including treaty rights, receive more direct constitutional protection under [[Section Thirty-five of the Constitution Act, 1982|section 35]] of the ''Constitution Act, 1982''.
;[[Section Twenty-six of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 26]] :clarifies that other rights and freedoms in Canada are not invalidated by the ''Charter''.
;[[Section Twenty-seven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 27]] :requires the ''Charter'' to be interpreted in a [[multiculturalism|multicultural]] context.
;[[Section Twenty-eight of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 28]]: states all ''Charter'' rights are guaranteed equally to men and women.
;[[Section 29 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 29]]: confirms the rights of [[separate school]]s are preserved.
;[[Section Thirty of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 30]]: clarifies the applicability of the ''Charter'' in the territories.
;[[Section Thirty-one of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 31]]: confirms that the ''Charter'' does not extend the powers of legislatures.
;[[Section Thirty-two of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 32]]: concerns the application and scope of the ''Charter''.
;[[Section Thirty-four of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|Section 34]]: states that Part I of the ''Constitution Act, 1982'', containing the first 34 sections of the act, may be collectively referred to as the "''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms''".
 
==History==
{{Further|Human rights in Canada}}
[[Image:Dief Bill of Rights.jpg|150px|right|thumb|[[John Diefenbaker]] holds the ''[[Canadian Bill of Rights]]''.]]
{{if mobile|[[File:Every Canadian Needs A Copy.jpg|thumb|Printed copies of the ''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms'']]|{{Canadian human rights sidebar}}}}
Many of the rights and freedoms that are protected under the ''Charter'' have their roots in other Canadian laws and legal [[precedent]]s, sometimes known as the [[Implied Bill of Rights]]. These rights include [[freedom of speech]], ''[[habeas corpus]]'' and the [[presumption of innocence]].<ref> [http://canada.justice.gc.ca/en/dept/pub/just/CSJ_page7.html "Sources of Canadian Law"], Department of Justice Canada. URL accessed on March 20, 2006. </ref> The ''[[Canadian Bill of Rights]]'', which the [[Parliament of Canada|Canadian Parliament]] enacted in 1960, compiled many of these rights, but it was only applicable to the federal government as, unlike the ''Charter'', it was not part of the Constitution of Canada. As a simple Act of Parliament rather than a constitutional amendment, the courts also interpreted it narrowly, only on the rare occation using it to find a contrary law inoperative. The ''Bill of Rights'', it should be noted, did not contain many of the rights now in the ''Charter'', such as the [[suffrage|right to vote]] or [[freedom of movement|mobility rights]] within Canada. Canada's [[official language|official bilingualism]], constitutionalized under section 16 of the Charter, was never recognized either by the ''Canadian Bill of Rights'' or the Implied Bill of Rights; it was first established by statute, the ''[[Official Languages Act (Canada)|Official Languages Act]]'', in 1969.
Many of the rights and freedoms that are protected under the ''Charter'', including the rights to [[freedom of speech]], [[habeas corpus]], and the [[presumption of innocence]],<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20000622055357/http://canada.justice.gc.ca/en/dept/pub/just/CSJ_page7.html "Sources of Canadian Law]" [archived]. [[Department of Justice (Canada)|''Department of Justice Canada'']]. Retrieved March 20, 2006.</ref> have their roots in a set of Canadian laws and legal precedents<ref>Constitutional Law Group. ''Canadian Constitutional Law'' (3rd ed.). Toronto: Edmond Montgomery Publications. p. 635.</ref> sometimes known as the [[Implied Bill of Rights]]. Many of these rights were also included in the ''[[Canadian Bill of Rights]]'', which the [[Parliament of Canada|Canadian Parliament]] enacted in 1960. However, the ''Bill of Rights'' had a number of shortcomings. Unlike the ''Charter'', it was an ordinary [[Act of Parliament]], applicable only to the federal government, and could be amended by a simple majority of Parliament. Moreover, the courts chose to interpret the ''Bill of Rights'' only sparingly, and only on rare occasions applied it to find a contrary law inoperative. Additionally, the ''Bill of Rights'' did not contain all of the rights that are now included in the Charter, omitting, for instance, the [[suffrage|right to vote]]<ref>Hogg, Peter W. 1982. ''Canada Act 1982 Annotated''. Toronto: Carswell Company.</ref> and [[freedom of movement]] within Canada.<ref>''United States of America v. Cotroni''; ''United States of America v. El Zein'' [1989] 1 S.C.R. 1469.</ref>
 
TalkThe centennial of introducing[[Canadian aConfederation]] constitutionalin bill1967 ofaroused rightsgreater interest within the government in Canadaconstitutional becamereform. theSuch subjectreforms ofwould morenot seriousonly attentionimprove inthe 1967,safeguarding asof governmentsrights, werebut interestedwould inalso reformingamend the Constitution into general,free inspiredCanada byfrom the one-hundredth anniversaryauthority of [[CanadianParliament Confederationof the United Kingdom|ConfederationBritish Parliament]]. Subsequently(also known as ''[[patriation]]''), ensuring the full [[LiberalCanadian Partysovereignty|sovereignty of Canada|Liberal]]. Subsequently, [[Attorney General of Canada|Attorney General]] [[Pierre Trudeau]] appointed law professor [[Barry Strayer]] to research a potential bill of rights. While writing his report, Strayer's essayconsulted advocatedwith protectiona fornumber languageof rightsnotable legal scholars, methodsincluding to[[Walter limitTarnopolsky]]. rightsStrayer's report advocated a number of ideas that would later becamebe evident in the ''Charter'''s, limitationsincluding andthe notwithstandingprotection clauses,of andlanguage excludingrights; exclusion of economic rights.; and Legalthe scholarsallowance suchof aslimitations [[Walteron Tarnopolsky]]rights, providedwhich advice.would be included in the ''Charter''{{'}}s limitation and notwithstanding clauses.<ref>[[Barry Strayer|Strayer, Barry L]]. [https://web.archive.org/web/20031025061505/http://www.justice.gc.ca/en/dept/pub/jc/vol2/no2/page4.html "My Constitutional Summer of 1967]", [archive] ''Reflections on the Charter,''], Barry''[[Department L.of Strayer,Justice (Canada)|Department of Justice Canada]]''. URL accessed onRetrieved March 18, 2006.</ref> In 1968, Strayer was made the Directordirector of the Constitutional Law Division of the [[Privy Council Office and(Canada)|Privy Council Office]], followed in 1974 becameby Assistanthis Deputyappointment as assistant deputy [[Minister of Justice. (Canada)|Minister Overof Justice]]. During these years, Strayer played a role in writing the bill that was laterultimately adopted.
 
=== ''Constitution Act, 1982'' ===
Meanwhile, Trudeau, who had become [[Prime Minister of Canada|prime minister]] in 1968, still very much wanted a bill of rights and negotiated the [[Victoria Charter]] in 1971, which would have achieved a constitutional bill of rights as well as the [[patriation]] of the Constitution. The Victoria Charter was not successful in either objective. Trudeau, however, would continue with his efforts to patriate the Constitution, finally suceeding in 1981-1982 with the passage of the ''[[Canada Act 1982]]'', which enacted the ''Constitution Act, 1982''.
Meanwhile, Trudeau, who had become [[Liberal Party of Canada|Liberal]] leader and prime minister in 1968, still very much wanted a constitutional bill of rights. The federal and provincial governments discussed creating one during negotiations for patriation, resulting in the [[Victoria Charter]] in 1971, which was never implemented. Trudeau continued his efforts, however, promising constitutional change during the [[1980 Quebec referendum]]. He succeeded in 1982 with the passage of the ''[[Canada Act 1982]]'' in the British Parliament, which enacted the ''Constitution Act, 1982'' as part of the Constitution of Canada.
 
[[Image:Pierre Elliot Trudeau-2.jpg|right|thumb|[[Prime Minister of Canada|Prime Minister]] [[Pierre Trudeau]] was a major advocate of the ''Charter''.]]The inclusion of a charter of rights in the patriation process was a much-debated issue. Trudeau spoke on television in October 1980,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://archives.cbc.ca/IDC-1-73-1092-6040/politics_economy/Patriation/|title=Charting the Future: Canada's New Constitution|website=CBC Archives|publisher=CBC/Radio-Canada|access-date=June 30, 2010}}</ref> where he announced his intention of a [[just society]] and constitutionalize a bill of rights that would include: fundamental freedoms, such as the freedom of movement, democratic guarantees, legal rights, language rights and [[social equality|equality rights]].<ref name=":1">Weinrib, Lorraine E. 1998. "Trudeau and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms: A Question of Constitutional Maturation", in ''Trudeau's Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau'', edited by A. Cohen and J. L. Granatstein. Toronto: [[Vintage Canada]].</ref>{{Rp|269}} However, Trudeau did not want a notwithstanding clause.{{Discuss}} While his proposal gained popular support,<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|270}} provincial leaders opposed the potential limits on their powers. The federal [[Progressive Conservative Party of Canada|Progressive Conservative]] [[Parliamentary opposition|opposition]] feared liberal bias among judges, should courts be called upon to enforce rights.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|271}} Additionally, the British Parliament cited their right to uphold Canada's old form of government.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|272}} At a suggestion of the Conservatives, Trudeau's government thus agreed to a committee of [[Senate of Canada|senators]] and [[Members of Parliament (Canada)|members of Parliament]] (MPs) to further examine the bill as well as the patriation plan. During this time, 90 hours were spent on the bill of rights alone, all filmed for television, while civil rights experts and [[advocacy group]]s put forward their perceptions on the draft charter{{'}}s flaws and omissions and how to remedy them.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|270}} As Canada had a parliamentary system of government, and as judges were perceived not to have enforced rights well in the past, it was questioned whether the courts should be named as the enforcers of the ''Charter'', as Trudeau wanted. Conservatives argued that elected politicians should be trusted instead. It was eventually decided that the responsibility should go to the courts. At the urging of [[civil libertarian]]s, judges could now exclude evidence in trials if acquired in breach of ''Charter'' rights in certain circumstances, something the ''Charter'' was not originally going to provide for.
[[Image:Canada Act signing.jpg|right|thumb|350px|With [[Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom|Queen Elizabeth II]]'s approval, the ''Charter'' was brought into effect in [[Ottawa]] on April 17, 1982. [[Pierre Trudeau|Trudeau]] stands front, second left to the Queen; [[Attorney General of Canada|Attorney General]] [[Jean Chrétien]] stands left to Trudeau.]]
 
As the process continued, more features were added to the ''Charter'', including equality rights for people with disabilities, more sex equality guarantees, and recognition of Canada's [[multiculturalism]]. The limitations clause was also reworded to focus less on the importance of parliamentary government and more on the justifiability of limits in free societies; the latter logic was more in line with rights developments around the world after World War II.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|271–2}}
The inclusion of a charter of rights in the ''Constitution Act'' was a much debated issue during patriation. After the [[1980 Quebec referendum]], during which Trudeau had promised constitutional change, Trudeau spoke on television in October 1980 and announced his intention to constitutionalize a bill of rights that would include fundamental freedoms, democratic guarantees, freedom of movement, legal rights, [[social equality|equality]] and language rights. He did not want a notwithstanding clause. While his proposal gained popular support, provincial leaders opposed the potential limits on their powers. At a suggestion of the opposition [[Progressive Conservative Party of Canada|Conservatives]], Trudeau's government agreed to committee of [[Canadian Senate|Senators]] and MPs to further examine the bill of rights as well as the patriation plan in general. During this time, 90 hours were spent on the bill of rights alone, all filmed for television, while civil rights experts and [[interest group]]s put forward their perceptions on the ''Charter'''s flaws and omissions and how to remedy them. As Canada had a parliamentary system of government, and as judges were perceived not to have enforced rights well in the past, it was questioned whether the courts should be named as the enforcers of the ''Charter'' or whether elected politicians should be trusted instead. Eventually, however, it was decided courts would have the responsibility, as Trudeau wanted. At the urging of [[civil libertarian]]s, judges could even now exclude evidence in trials if it was acquired in breach of ''Charter'' rights in certain circumstances, something the ''Charter'' was not originally going to provide for. As the process continued, more rights were added to the ''Charter'', including equality rights for people with disabilities, more sex equality guarantees and a recognition of Canada's [[multiculturalism]]. The limitations clause was also reworded to concentrate less on the importance of parliamentary government and more on justifiability of limits in free societies; the latter logic was more in line with rights developments around the world after World War II.<ref> Lorraine Eisenstat Weinrib, "Trudeau and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms: A Question of Constitutional Maturation." In ''Trudeau's Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau.'' Edited by Andrew Cohen and JL Granatstein. Vintage Canada, 1998, pages 269-272.</ref>
 
In its decision in the ''[[Patriation Reference]]'' (1981), the Supreme Court ruled there was a [[constitutional convention (political custom)|constitutional convention]] that some provincial approval should be sought for constitutional reform. As the provinces still had doubts about the ''Charter''{{'}}s merits, Trudeau was forced to accept the notwithstanding clause to allow governments to opt out of certain obligations. The notwithstanding clause was accepted as part of a deal called the [[Kitchen Accord]], negotiated by the federal attorney general [[Jean Chrétien]], Ontario's justice minister [[Roy McMurtry]], and Saskatchewan's justice minister [[Roy Romanow]]. Pressure from provincial governments (which in Canada have jurisdiction over property) and from the [[New Democratic Party (Canada)|New Democratic Party]], also prevented Trudeau from including any rights protecting private property.<ref>Johansen, David. 1991. "[http://dsp-psd.pwgsc.gc.ca/Collection-R/LoPBdP/BP/bp268-e.htm Property Rights and the Constitution]." ''Law and Government Division''. [[Library of Parliament]].</ref>
As the provinces still had doubts, Trudeau was forced to include the notwithstanding clause to allow governments to opt out of certain obligations under the ''Charter''. Pressure from provincial governments (which in Canada have jurisdiction over property) and from the left in the country, especially the [[New Democratic Party]], prevented Trudeau from including any rights protecting private property. Nevertheless Quebec did not ratify the ''Charter'' (or the ''Canada Act 1982''), either because it was then led by the sovereigntist ''[[Parti Québécois]]'' or because it felt excluded from the negotiations. As [[Jean Chrétien]], who was Attorney General at the time, later recounted in his memoirs, some of the Quebec representatives did provide input into the ''Charter'' because they shared some of the underlying principles.<ref>Jean Chretien, ''Straight from the Heart'', Key Porter Books Limited, 1994.</ref>
 
==== Quebec ====
While the ''Charter'' was adopted in 1982, it was not until three years later in 1985 that the main provisions regarding equality rights (section 15) came into effect. The delay was meant to give the federal and provincial governments an opportunity to review pre-existing statutes and strike potentially unconstitutional inequalities.
Quebec did not support the ''Charter'' (or the ''Canada Act 1982''), with conflicting interpretations as to why. The opposition could have owed to the [[Parti Québécois]] (PQ) leadership being allegedly uncooperative because it was more committed to gaining sovereignty for Quebec. This could have owed to the exclusion of Quebec leaders from the negotiation of the Kitchen Accord, which they saw as being too centralist. It could have also owed to objections by provincial leaders to the accord's provisions relating to the process of future constitutional amendment.<ref>CBC Learning. 2001. [http://history.cbc.ca/history/?MIval=EpisContent.html&series_id=1&episode_id=17&chapter_id=1&page_id=3&lang=E "The Night of Long Knives]" [TV episode], ''Canada: A People's History.'' CAN: [[Canadian Broadcasting Corporation|CBC/Radio-Canada]]. Retrieved April 8, 2006.</ref> The PQ leaders also opposed the inclusion of mobility rights and minority language education rights.<ref>CBC News. 5 Nov 1981. "[http://archives.cbc.ca/IDC-1-73-1092-6045/politics_economy/Patriation/clip9 Patriation]" [news broadcast]. ''CBC Archives''. CA: [[Canadian Broadcasting Corporation|CBC/Radio-Canada]]. Retrieved August 8, 2006. [beginning at 4:04].</ref> The ''Charter'' is applicable in Quebec because all provinces are bound by the constitution. However, Quebec's opposition to the 1982 patriation package led to two failed attempts to amend the constitution (the [[Meech Lake Accord]] and [[Charlottetown Accord]]) which were designed primarily to obtain Quebec's political approval of the Canadian constitutional order.
 
=== Following 1982 ===
The ''Charter'' has also been amended since its enactment, as section 25 was amended in 1983 to explicitely tolerate more rights regarding [[Aboriginal land claims]] and section 16.1 was added in 1993. A proposed [[Unsuccessful attempts to amend the Canadian Constitution|Rights of the Unborn Amendment]] in 1986-1987, which would have enshrined fetal rights, failed in the federal Parliament. Proposed constitutional amendments in 1992, the [[Charlottetown Accord]], were never passed. They would have specifically required the ''Charter'' to be interpreted in a manner respectful of Quebec's [[distinct society]], and would have added further statements to the ''[[Constitution Act, 1867]]'' regarding racial and sexual equality and collective rights, and about [[minority language]] communities. These provisions, however, were so vague that Trudeau, then out of office, feared they would actually conflict with and undermine the ''Charter'' individual rights and equality rights and their judicial review, and favour the policies of provincial governments, who were given responsibility over the linguistic minorities.<ref> Michael D. Behiels, "Who Speaks for Canada? Trudeau and the Constitutional Crisis." In ''Trudeau's Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau.'' Edited by Andrew Cohen and JL Granatstein. Vintage Canada, 1998, page 346.</ref>
While the ''Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms'' was adopted in 1982, it was not until 1985 that the main provisions regarding equality rights (section 15) came into effect. The delay was meant to give the federal and provincial governments an opportunity to review pre-existing statutes and strike potentially unconstitutional inequalities.
 
==== Amendments ====
In 2005, when [[Nunatsiavut]], an [[Inuit]] region of [[Newfoundland and Labrador]], achieved self-government, it enacted a constitution which recognized the authority of the ''Charter''.<ref> [http://www.nunatsiavut.com/en/nunatsiavutgov.php "Nunatsiavut Government: Labrador Inuit Self-Government"], Nunatsiavut, Canada. URL accessed on March 17, 2006. </ref>
 
The ''Charter'' has been amended since its enactment. Section 25 was amended in 1983 to explicitly recognize more rights regarding [[Aboriginal land claims]], while [[Section 16.1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 16.1]] was added in 1993. There have also been a number of [[Unsuccessful attempts to amend the Canadian Constitution|unsuccessful attempts to amend the ''Charter'']], including the failed Charlottetown Accord of 1992. The Charlottetown Accord would have specifically required the ''Charter'' to be interpreted in a manner respectful of Quebec's [[distinct society]], and would have added further statements to the ''[[Constitution Act, 1867]]'' regarding racial and sexual equality and collective rights, and about [[minority language]] communities. Though the Accord was negotiated among many interest groups, the resulting provisions were so vague that Trudeau, then out of office, feared they would actually conflict with and undermine the ''Charter''{{'}}s individual rights. He felt judicial review of the rights might be undermined if courts had to favour the policies of provincial governments, as governments would be given responsibility over linguistic minorities. Trudeau thus played a prominent role in leading the popular opposition to the Accord.<ref>Behiels, Michael D. "Who Speaks for Canada? Trudeau and the Constitutional Crisis." In ''Trudeau's Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau''. p. 346.</ref>
 
==Interpretation and enforcement==
The task of interpreting and enforcing the ''Charter'' falls to the courts, with the Supreme Court of Canada being the ultimate authority on the matter. Litigation involving the charter may be referred to as a '''Charter challenge'''.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Ouellette |first1=Michelle |last2=Jacobson |first2=Jason |title=Litigating a Charter Challenge |url=https://www.canlii.org/en/commentary/doc/2007CanLIIDocs602#!fragment/zoupio-_Tocpdf_bk_1/BQCwhgziBcwMYgK4DsDWszIQewE4BUBTADwBdoAvbRABwEtsBaAfX2zhoBMAzZgI1TMAjAEoANMmylCEAIqJCuAJ7QA5KrERCYXAnmKV6zdt0gAynlIAhFQCUAogBl7ANQCCAOQDC9saTB80KTsIiJAA |website=[[CanLII]] |access-date=17 May 2024}}</ref>
The task of interpreting and enforcing the ''Charter'' falls to the courts, with the [[Supreme Court of Canada]] being the ultimate authority on the matter. With the ''Charter'''s supremacy confirmed by section 52 of the ''Constitution Act, 1982'', the courts continued their practice of striking down statutes or parts of statutes as they had with earlier case law regarding federalism. However, under section 24 of the ''Charter'' courts also gained new powers to enforce creative remedies and exclude more evidence than was typical under the common law. Courts have since made many important decisions, including ''[[R. v. Morgentaler]]'' (1988), which struck down [[Abortion in Canada|Canada's abortion law]], and ''[[Vriend v. Alberta]]'' (1998), which read equal treatment into a law that had been [[discrimination|discriminatory]] toward [[homosexuality|homosexuals]].
[[Image:SSC-Courtroom.jpg|right|thumb|The courtroom of the [[Supreme Court of Canada]], the chief authority on the interpretation of the ''Charter''.]]
 
With the ''Charter''{{'}}s supremacy confirmed by section 52 of the ''Constitution Act, 1982'', the courts continued their practice of striking down unconstitutional statutes or parts of statutes as they had with earlier case law regarding federalism. However, under section 24 of the ''Charter'', courts also gained new powers to enforce creative remedies and exclude more evidence in trials. Courts have since made many important decisions, including ''[[R v Morgentaler]]'' (1988), which struck down [[Abortion in Canada|Canada's abortion law]], and ''[[Vriend v Alberta]]'' (1998), in which the Supreme Court found the province's exclusion of [[sexual orientation]] as a prohibited grounds of discrimination violated the equality rights under section 15. In the latter case, the Court then read the protection into the law.
Courts have developed various tests and precedents for interpreting specific provisions of the ''Charter''. These include the ''Oakes test'' for section 1, set out in the case ''[[R. v. Oakes]]'' (1986), or the ''Law test'' for section 15, developed in ''[[Law v. Canada]]'' (1999). Since ''[[Re B.C. Motor Vehicle Act]]'' (1985), various approaches to defining and expanding the scope of [[fundamental justice]] under section 7 have been developed. (''For more information, see the [[:Category:Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|articles on each ''Charter'' section]]'').
 
Courts may receive ''Charter'' questions in a number of ways. Rights claimants could be prosecuted under a [[Criminal law in Canada|criminal law]] that they argue is unconstitutional. Others may feel government services and policies are not being dispensed in accordance with the ''Charter'', and apply to lower-level courts for injunctions against the government.<ref group="lower-alpha">This would be the case in ''[[Doucet-Boudreau v. Nova Scotia (Minister of Education)]].''</ref> A government may also raise questions of rights by submitting [[reference question]]s to higher-level courts; for example, Prime Minister [[Paul Martin]]'s government approached the Supreme Court with Charter questions as well as federalism concerns in the case ''[[Re Same-Sex Marriage]]'' (2004). Provinces may also do this with their superior courts. The government of [[Prince Edward Island]] initiated the ''[[Provincial Judges Reference]]'' by asking its [[PESCAD|provincial Supreme Court]] a question on [[judicial independence]] under section 11.
Since early cases like ''[[Hunter v. Southam]]'' (1984) and ''[[R. v. Big M Drug Mart]]'' (1985), courts have embraced a purposive interpretation of ''Charter'' rights, which emphasizes not the traditional, limited understanding of what each right meant when the ''Charter'' was adopted in 1982 but rather changing the scope of rights as appropriate to fit their general [[purpose]]; this has been tied to a ''generous interpretation'', meaning that the purpose of rights is assumed to be to increase the rights and freedoms of people in a variety of circumstances, at the expense of the powers of governments. Constitutional scholar [[Peter Hogg]] has approved of the generous approach in some cases, although in others he argued the purpose of the rights was not to achieve a set of rights as broad as courts have imagined.<ref>Peter W. Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada''. 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003, pages 722 and 724-725.</ref> Indeed, this approach has not been without its critics. Scholars [[Ted Morton|Morton]] and [[Rainer Knopff|Knopff]] have been very critical of this phenomenon, noting that although it has been done with reference to the [[living tree doctrine]], a principle which they feel is sound, it has extended past a reasonable use of the living tree doctrine. When the doctrine is applied right, the authors claimed, "The [[elm]] remained an elm; it grew new branches but did not transform itself into an [[oak]] or a [[willow]]." In other words, the doctrine can be used, for example, so a right is upheld even when a government threatens to violate it with new [[technology]], as long as the essential right remains the same; but the authors charge that the courts have used the doctrine to "create new rights." As an example, the authors note that the Charter right against [[self-incrimination]] has been extended to cover scenarios in the justice system that had previously been unregulated by self-incrimination rights in other Canadian laws.<ref>F.L. Morton and Ranier Knopff, ''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party.'' Toronto: Broadview Press, 2000.</ref>
 
[[Image:Ottawa - ON - Oberster Gerichtshof von Kanada.jpg|right|thumb|The building of the Supreme Court of Canada, the chief authority on the interpretation of the ''Charter'']]
Another general approach to interpreting ''Charter'' rights is to consider legal precedent regarding the [[United States Bill of Rights|United States ''Bill of Rights'']], which influenced the ''Charter'' and has generated a great deal of thoughts on the extent of rights in a common law, democratic system and how they should be enforced by courts. However, American precedent is not considered infallible, as the Supreme Court of Canada has referred to the Canadian and American bills as being "born to different countries in different ages and in different circumstances."<ref>Peter W. Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada''. 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003, pages 732; the case quoted was ''[[R. v. Rahey]]'' (1987) by [[Gérard La Forest]].</ref>
 
In several important cases, judges developed various tests and precedents for interpreting specific provisions of the ''Charter'', including the [[Oakes test]] (section 1), set out in the case ''[[R v Oakes]]'' (1986); and the [[Law test]] (section 15), developed in ''[[Law v Canada (Minister of Employment and Immigration)|Law v Canada]]'' (1999) which has since become defunct.<ref>''[[R. v. Kapp]]'', 2008 SCC 41, [2008] 2 SCR 483</ref> Since ''[[Reference Re BC Motor Vehicle Act]]'' (1985), various approaches to defining and expanding the scope of [[fundamental justice]] (i.e., [[natural justice]] or [[due process]]) under section 7 have been adopted.<ref group="lower-alpha">For more information, see the [[:Category:Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|articles on each ''Charter'' section]].</ref>
Legal organizations have also been formed and frequently intervene in cases to assist courts in the process of interpreting the ''Charter''. A notable example would be the [[Women's Legal Education and Action Fund]] (LEAF).
 
=== Purposive and generous interpretation ===
One approach to the ''Charter'' taken by the courts that involves more participation by elected governments is the [[dialogue principle]].
In general, courts have embraced a [[purposive interpretation]] of ''Charter'' rights. This means that since early cases, such as ''[[Hunter v Southam Inc]]'' (1984) and ''[[R v Big M Drug Mart Ltd]]'' (1985), they have concentrated less on the traditional, limited understanding of what each right meant when the ''Charter'' was adopted in 1982. Rather, focus has been given towards changing the scope of rights as appropriate to fit their broader purpose.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|722, 724–25}} This is tied to the "generous interpretation" of rights, as the purpose of the ''Charter'' provisions is assumed to be to increase rights and freedoms of people in a variety of circumstances, at the expense of the government powers.
 
Constitutional scholar [[Peter Hogg]] (2003) has approved of the generous approach in some cases, although for others he argues the purpose of the provisions was not to achieve a set of rights as broad as courts have imagined.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|722, 724–25}} The approach has not been without its critics. Alberta politician [[Ted Morton]] and political scientist [[Rainer Knopff]] have been very critical of this phenomenon. Although they believe in the validity of the [[living tree doctrine]], which is the basis for the approach (and the tradition term for generous interpretations of the Canadian Constitution), they argue ''Charter'' case law has been more radical. When the living tree doctrine is applied correctly, Morton and Knopff (2000) claim, "the elm remained an elm; it grew new branches but did not transform itself into an oak or a willow." The doctrine can be used, for example, so a right is upheld even when a government threatens to violate it with new technology, as long as the essential right remains the same, but the authors claim that the courts have used the doctrine to "create new rights". As an example, the authors note that the ''Charter'' right against [[self-incrimination]] has been extended to cover scenarios in the justice system that had previously been unregulated by self-incrimination rights in other Canadian laws.<ref name=":2">[[Ted Morton|Morton, Ted]], and [[Rainer Knopff|Knopff, Rainer]] (2000). ''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party.'' Toronto: [[Broadview Press]].</ref>{{Rp|46–47}}
==Comparisons with other human rights instruments==
[[Image:United States Bill of Rights.jpg|right|thumb|The [[United States Bill of Rights|United States ''Bill of Rights'']] has influenced the text of the ''Charter'' but is interpreted more narrowly.]]
Some [[Members of Parliament]] saw the movement to entrench a charter as contrary to the British model of Parliamentary supremacy. Others would say that the ''[[European Convention on Human Rights]]'' has now limited [[United Kingdom|British]] parliamentary power to a greater degree than the ''Canadian Charter'' limited the power of the Canadian Parliament and provincial legislatures when it was adopted in 1982. Constitutional scholar Peter Hogg has speculated that the British adopted the ''European Convention'' partly because they were inspired by the similar ''Canadian Charter''.<ref> [http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/ "The Charter at 20"], Philip Saunders, CBC News Online, April 2002. URL accessed on March 17, 2006. </ref>
 
=== Other interpretations ===
It is no accident that the ''Canadian Charter'' is similar to the ''European Convention'' (''ECHR''), specifically in relation to the limitations clauses contained in the ''European Convention''. The underlying reason for this fundamental similarity between the ''ECHR'' and the ''Charter'' lies in the fact that the ''Canadian Charter'' and the ''European Convention'' are both inspired by the ''Universal Declaration of Human Rights''. It is because of this similarity with European human rights law that the Supreme Court of Canada turns not only to the [[Constitution of the United States]] case law but also the [[European Court of Human Rights]] cases in interpreting the ''Charter''.
Another general approach to interpreting ''Charter'' rights is to consider international legal precedents with countries that have specific rights protections, such as the [[United States Bill of Rights|U.S. Bill of Rights]] (which had influenced aspects of the ''Charter'') and the [[Constitution of South Africa]]. However, international precedent is only of guiding value and is not binding. For example, the Supreme Court has referred to the Charter and the U.S. Bill of Rights as being "born to different countries in different ages and in different circumstances".<ref group="lower-alpha">The case quoted in Hogg (2003:732) is ''[[R v Rahey]]'' (1987) by [[Gérard La Forest]].</ref><ref name=":0" />{{Rp|232}}
 
Advocacy groups frequently [[intervention (law)|intervene]] in cases to make arguments on how to interpret the ''Charter''. Some examples are the [[British Columbia Civil Liberties Association]], [[Canadian Civil Liberties Association]], [[Canadian Mental Health Association]], [[Canadian Labour Congress]], the [[Women's Legal Education and Action Fund]] (LEAF), and [[REAL Women of Canada]]. The purpose of such interventions is to assist the court and to attempt to influence the court to render a decision favourable to the legal interests of the group.
With regard to the United States ''Bill of Rights'', the Supreme Court of Canada has often approached rights in the ''Canadian Charter'' with a view that they are more generous. As the US ''Bill of Rights'' has no limitations clause or notwithstanding clause, the [[Supreme Court of the United States]] has to define rights provisions themselves narrowly. For this reason, fundamental justice (in section 7 of the ''Canadian Charter'') is interpreted more substantively than [[due process]], its US equivalent. Freedom of expression in section 2 also has a more wide-ranging scope than the [[First Amendment to the United States Constitution]]'s freedom of speech.<ref>Peter W. Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada.'' 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003, pages 732-733.</ref> Section 28 of the ''Charter'' also performs a function similar to what the [[Equal Rights Amendment]] would have for the US, but currently that Amendment is unratified. This may be because in Canada there was no unfavourable reaction comparable to that of the [[religious right]] in the United States,<ref>Women's International Network News, "Women on the Move in Canada." Summer 1993, Vol. 19 Issue 3, page 71.</ref> although Canadian feminists had to stage large protests to achieve the inclusion of the section.
 
A further approach to the ''Charter'', taken by the courts, is the [[dialogue principle]], which involves greater participation by elected governments. This approach involves governments drafting legislation in response to court rulings and courts acknowledging the effort if the new legislation is challenged.
The ''[[International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights]]'' has several parallels with the Canadian Charter, but in some cases the Covenant goes further in its text. For example, a right to [[legal aid]] has been read into section 10 of the ''Charter'' (the right to counsel), but the Covenant explicitly guarantees the accused need not pay "if he does not have sufficient means."<ref>Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada.'' 2003 Student Ed., pages 733-734.</ref>
 
==Comparisons with other human rights documents==
The ''Canadian Charter'' has little to say, explicitly at least, about economic and social rights. On this point, it stands in marked contrast with the ''[[Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms]]''. This is also in notable contrast with the ''[[International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights]]''. There are some who feel economic rights ought to be read into section 7 rights to security of the person and section 15 equality rights to make the ''Charter'' similar to the ''Covenant'', as economic rights can relate to a decent [[standard of living]] and help the civil rights flourish in a liveable environment. Canadian courts, however, have been hesitant in this area, calling economic rights political questions and adding that as [[negative and positive rights|negative rights]], economic rights are questionable.<ref>Sarah Lugtig and Debra Parkes, "Where do we go from here?" ''Herizons'', Spring 2002, Vol. 15 Issue 4, page 14.</ref>
[[Image:Bill of Rights Pg1of1 AC.jpg|right|thumb|The [[United States Bill of Rights]] influenced the text of the ''Charter'', but its rights provisions are interpreted more conservatively. Canadian civil-rights and constitutional cases as compared to American cases occasionally have dissimilar outcomes because the broader ''Charter'' rights are limited by the "savings clause" of [[Section One of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|section 1 of the ''Charter'']] as interpreted in ''[[R v Oakes]]''.]]
Some Canadian [[Member of Parliament (Canada)|members of Parliament]] saw the movement to entrench a charter as contrary to the British model of [[Parliamentary supremacy]]. Hogg (2003) has speculated that the reason for the British adoption of the [[Human Rights Act 1998]], which allows the [[European Convention on Human Rights]] to be enforced directly in domestic courts, is partly because they were inspired by the similar Canadian ''Charter''.<ref name="saunders">{{cite web|url=http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/|title=The Charter at 20|last=Saunders|first=Philip|date=April 2002|website=CBC News Online|publisher=[[CBC/Radio-Canada]]|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060307194214/http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/|archive-date=March 7, 2006|access-date=March 17, 2006}}</ref>
 
The Canadian ''Charter'' bears a number of similarities to the European Convention, specifically in relation to the limitations clauses contained in the European document.<ref name="Brice Dickson 1999">Dickson, Brice. November 11, 1999. "Human Rights in the 21st Century" [lecture]. ''[[Amnesty International]].'' Belfast: [[Queen's University Belfast|Queen's University]].</ref> Because of this similarity with European human rights law, the Supreme Court turns not only to the [[Constitution of the United States|United States Constitution]] case law in interpreting the ''Charter'', but also to [[European Court of Human Rights]] cases.
The Charter itself influenced the bill of rights in the [[Constitution of South Africa]]. <ref>Sarah Lugtig and Debra Parkes, "Where do we go from here?" ''Herizons'', Spring 2002, Vol. 15 Issue 4, page 14.</ref>
 
===Canadian ''Charter'' vs. U.S. ''Bill of Rights''===
==National values==
The core distinction between the U.S. ''Bill of Rights'' and the Canadian ''Charter'' is the existence of the limitations and notwithstanding clauses. Canadian courts have consequently interpreted each right more expansively. However, due to the limitations clause, where a violation of a right exists, the law will not necessarily grant protection of that right.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|232–3}} In contrast, rights under the U.S. Bill are absolute,{{contradictory inline|First Amendment to the United States Constitution|date=November 2024}} thus a violation will not be found until there has been sufficient encroachment on those rights. The sum effect is that both constitutions provide comparable protection of many rights.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|232–3}} Canada's fundamental justice (section 7) is therefore interpreted to include more legal protections than [[Due Process Clause|due process]], which is the U.S. equivalent.
[[Image:March-of-hearts.jpg|250px|right|thumb|Homosexual Canadians rally for equality rights under the ''Charter'' in 2004.[http://umanitoba.ca/manitoban/2003-2004/0324/ne_07.html]]]
The ''Charter'' was intended to be a source for [[Value (personal and cultural)|national values]] and national unity. As Professor [[Alan Cairns]] noted, "The initial federal government premise was on developing a pan-Canadian identity."<ref>[http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/ "The Charter at 20"], Philip Saunders, CBC News Online, April 2002. URL accessed on March 25, 2006.</ref> Trudeau himself later wrote in his ''Memoirs'' that "Canada itself" could now be defined as a "society where all people are equal and where they share some fundamental values based upon freedom," and that all Canadians could identify with the values of liberty and equality.<ref>Pierre Elliott Trudeau, ''Memoirs'', Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1993, pages 322-323.</ref>
 
Freedom of expression (section 2) also has a wider-ranging scope than the freedom of speech guaranteed under the U.S. [[First Amendment to the United States Constitution|First Amendment]] (1A).<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|232–3}} For instance, a form of [[Picketing (protest)|picketing]], though involving speech that might have otherwise been protected, was deemed as disruptive conduct and not protected by the U.S. 1A, but was considered by the Supreme Court in ''[[RWDSU v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd.]]'' (1986). The Supreme Court would rule the picketing, including the disruptive conduct, as fully protected under section 2 of the ''Charter'', after which section 1 would be used to argue the injunction against the picketing as just.<ref>[[Christopher Manfredi|Manfredi, Christopher P]]. 1992. "The Canadian Supreme Court and American judicial review: United States constitutional jurisprudence and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms." ''[[American Journal of Comparative Law]]'' 40(1):12–13.</ref>
The ''Charter'''s unifying purpose was particularly important to the mobility and language rights; author Rand Dyck has said that some scholars believe that section 23, with its minority language education rights, "was the only part of the Charter with which Pierre Trudeau was truly concerned."<ref>Rand Dyck, ''Canadian Politics: Critical Approaches.'' Third ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000, page 442.</ref> Through the mobility and language rights, [[French Canadian]]s, who have been at the centre of unity debates, would be able to travel throughout all Canada and receive government and educational services in their own language, rather than just in Quebec (the only province where they form the majority). The ''Charter'' is also supposed to standardize laws throughout the country and gear them towards a single principle of liberty.<ref>Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada''. 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003, pages 704-705.</ref>
 
The limitations clause has also allowed governments to enact laws that would be considered unconstitutional in the U.S. For example, the Supreme Court has upheld some of Quebec's limits on the use of [[English language|English]] on signs and has upheld [[publication ban]]s that prohibit media from mentioning the names of juvenile criminals.
Former [[premier of Ontario]] [[Bob Rae]] has stated that the ''Charter'' "functions as a symbol for all Canadians" in practice because it represents the core value of freedom. Academic [[Peter Russell]] has been more skeptical of the ''Charter'''s value in this field. Cairns, who feels the ''Charter'' is the most important constitutional document to many Canadians, and that the ''Charter'' was meant to shape the Canadian identity, has also expressed concern that groups within society see cerain provisions as belonging to them alone rather than to all Canadians.<ref>[http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/ "The Charter at 20"], Philip Saunders, CBC News Online, April 2002. URL accessed on March 25, 2006.</ref> It should also be noted that issues like [[abortion]] and [[pornography]], raised by the ''Charter'', tend to be controversial.<ref>Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada''. 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003, pages 704-705.</ref> Still, [[opinion polls]] in 2002 showed Canadians felt the ''Charter'' significantly represented Canada's identity, although many were unaware of the document's actual contents.<ref>Joanne Byfield, "The right to be ignorant." ''Report/Newsmagazine'' (National Edition); December 16, 2002, Vol. 29, Issue 24, page 56.</ref>
 
The un-ratified [[Equal Rights Amendment]] in the U.S., which garnered many critics when proposed, performs a similar function to that of the ''Charter'' section 28, which received no comparable opposition.<ref>"Women on the Move in Canada" (1993), ''Women's International Network News'' Summer 19(3), p. 71.</ref> Still, Canadian feminists had to stage large protests to demonstrate support for the inclusion of section 28, which had not been part of the original draft of the Charter.<ref name="lugtig" /><ref>[[Doris Anderson|Anderson, Doris]]. 2005. "Canadian Women and the Charter of Rights." National Journal of Constitutional Law 19. p. 369.</ref>
The only values recognized explicitly by the ''Charter'''s preamble are recognition for the supremacy of [[God]] and the [[rule of law]], but these have been controversial and of little legal consequence. In 1999, MP [[Svend Robinson]] proposed before the [[Canadian House of Commons]] that the ''Charter'' be amended so that the mention of God could be removed, as he felt it did not reflect Canada's diversity.
 
Another difference from the U.S. Bill of Rights is that the ''Charter'' does not provide any right to possess firearms. In 2000, the Supreme Court of Canada unanimously rejected a constitutional challenge to the federal ''Firearms Act'', ruling that it was within the federal [[Section 91(27) of the Constitution Act, 1867|criminal law power]].<ref>{{cite CanLII |court=SCC |year=2000 |num=31 |litigants=Reference re Firearms Act (Can.) |parallelcite=2000 1 SCR 783}}</ref>
Section 27 also serves to recognize [[multiculturalism]], which the [[Department of Canadian Heritage]] argues is a prized heritage among the people.<ref>[http://www.pch.gc.ca/progs/pdp-hrp/canada/guide/general_e.cfm#27 Guide to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.] Human Rights Program. Canadian Heritage. URL accessed on March 25, 2006.</ref>
 
=== Comparisons to other documents ===
The ''[[International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights]]'' has several parallels with the Canadian ''Charter'', but in some cases the ''Covenant'' goes further with regard to rights in its text. For example, a right to [[legal aid]] has been read into section 10 of the ''Charter'' (right to counsel), but the Covenant explicitly guarantees the accused need not pay "if he does not have sufficient means".<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|233–4}}
 
Canada's ''Charter'' has little to say, explicitly at least, about economic and social rights. On this point, it stands in marked contrast with the ''[[Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms]]'' and with the ''[[International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights]]''. There are some who feel economic rights ought to be read into the rights to [[security of the person]] (section 7) and equality rights (section 15) to make the Charter similar to the ''Covenant''.<ref name="lugtig">Lugtig, Sarah, and [[Debra Parkes]], 2002. "Where do we go from here?" ''[[Herizons]]'' 15(4). p.14.</ref> The rationale is that economic rights can relate to a decent [[standard of living]] and can help the civil rights flourish in a livable environment.<ref name="lugtig" /> Canadian courts, however, have been hesitant in this area, stating that economic rights are [[political question]]s and adding that as [[negative and positive rights|positive rights]], economic rights are of questionable legitimacy.<ref name="lugtig" />
 
The ''Charter'' itself influenced the [[Constitution of South Africa Chapter 2: Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]] in the Constitution of South Africa.<ref name="lugtig" /> The limitations clause under section 36 of the South African law has been compared to section 1 of the ''Charter''.<ref name="Brice Dickson 1999" /> Likewise, [[Jamaica]]'s ''Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms'' was also influenced, in part, by Canada's ''Charter''.<ref>Joint Select Committee. 2011. "[https://jis.gov.jm/media/charter-of-rights1.pdf Report of the Joint Select Committee on its Deliberations on the Bill Entitled An Act to Amend the Constitution of Jamaica to Provide for a Charter of Rights and for Connected Matters]." ''[[Government of Jamaica]]''.</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20110417/cleisure/cleisure2.html|title=Rights and responsibilities under the charter|author=Mukulu|first=Matondo|date=2011|website=The Gleaner|___location=Jamaica|type=News article}}</ref>
 
The "justified limitations" wording from section 1 of the ''Charter'' also directly influenced one of the core provisions in the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, section 5, which similarly states that the right and freedoms found in the New Zealand Act "may be subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.".<ref>{{cite web | title=Bill of Rights for New Zealand: A White Paper &#124; Office of Justice Programs | url=https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/bill-rights-new-zealand-white-paper }}</ref><ref>{{cite web | title=New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 No 109 (As at 30 August 2022), Public Act 5 Justified limitations – New Zealand Legislation | url=https://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1990/0109/latest/DLM225501.html }}</ref>
 
==The ''Charter'' and national values<span class="anchor" id="The Charter and national values"></span>==
[[Image:March of Hearts crowd on Parliament Hill 2004.jpg|right|thumb|The "March of Hearts" rally for [[Same-sex marriage in Canada|same-sex marriage]] equality under the ''Charter'' in 2004]]
The ''Charter'' was intended to be a source of [[Canadian values]] and national unity. As Professor [[Alan Cairns]] noted, "the initial federal government premise was on developing a pan-Canadian identity".<ref name="saunders"/> Pierre Trudeau himself later wrote in his ''Memoirs (1993)'' that "Canada itself" could now be defined as a "society where all people are equal and where they share some fundamental values based upon freedom", and that all Canadians could identify with the values of liberty and equality.<ref>[[Pierre Trudeau|Trudeau, Pierre Elliott]]. 1993. ''Memoirs.'' Toronto: [[McClelland & Stewart]]. Pp. 322–3.</ref>
 
The ''Charter''{{'}}s unifying purpose was particularly important to the mobility and language rights. According to author [[Rand Dyck]] (2000), some scholars believe section 23, with its minority language education rights, "was the only part of the Charter with which Pierre Trudeau was truly concerned".<ref name=":3">[[Rand Dyck|Dyck, Rand]]. 2000. ''Canadian Politics: Critical Approaches'' (3rd ed.). Scarborough, ON: Nelson Thomson Learning.</ref>{{Rp|442}} Through the mobility and language rights, [[French Canadian]]s, who have been at the centre of unity debates, are able to travel throughout all Canada and receive government and educational services in their own language. Hence, they are not confined to Quebec (the only province where they form the majority and where most of their population is based), which would polarize the country along regional lines. The ''Charter'' was also supposed to standardize previously diverse laws throughout the country and gear them towards a single principle of liberty.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|704–5}}
 
Former [[premier of Ontario]] [[Bob Rae]] has stated that the ''Charter'' "functions as a symbol for all Canadians" in practice because it represents the core value of freedom.<ref name="saunders"/> Academic [[Peter H. Russell|Peter Russell]] has been more skeptical of the ''Charter''{{'}}s value in this field. Cairns, who feels the ''Charter'' is the most important constitutional document to many Canadians, and that the ''Charter'' was meant to shape the Canadian identity, has also expressed concern that groups within society see certain provisions as belonging to them alone rather than to all Canadians.<ref name="saunders"/> It has also been noted that issues like [[abortion]] and [[pornography]], raised by the ''Charter'', tend to be controversial.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|704–5}} Still, [[opinion polls]] in 2002 showed Canadians felt the ''Charter'' significantly represented Canada, although many were unaware of the document's actual contents.<ref>Byfield, Joanne. 2002. "The right to be ignorant." ''[[Report Newsmagazine]]'' (national ed.) 29(24):56.</ref>
 
The only values mentioned by the [[Preamble to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|''Charter''{{'}}s preamble]] are [[Constitutional references to God|recognition of the supremacy of God]] and the [[rule of law]], but these have been controversial and of minor legal consequence. In 1999, MP [[Svend Robinson]] brought forward a failed proposal before the [[House of Commons of Canada]] that would have amended the ''Charter'' by removing the mention of God, as he felt it did not reflect Canada's diversity.
 
Section 27 also recognizes a value of multiculturalism. In 2002, polls found 86% of Canadians approved of this section.<ref>Tyler, Tracey. April 12, 2002 "Support for ''Charter'' runs strong: Survey; Approval highest in Quebec on 20-year-old rights law." ''[[Toronto Star]].'' p. A07.</ref>
 
==Criticism==
While the ''Charter'' has enjoyed a great deal of popularity, with 82 percent of Canadians describing it as a good thing in opinion polls in 1987 and 1999,<ref name="saunders"/> the document has also been subject to published criticisms from both sides of the political spectrum. According to columnist [[David Akin]] (2017), while most Liberals support the ''Charter'', most [[Conservative Party of Canada|Conservatives]], most New Democrats, most [[Indigenous peoples in Canada|Indigenous people]], and [[Québécois people|Québécois]] see the ''Charter'' as "problematic" and "something to be challenged in order to be Canadian".<ref>{{Cite web |last=Akin |first=David |date=April 18, 2017 |title=Analysis: Canada's Charter remains a flawed document that no politician dares try to fix |url=https://globalnews.ca/news/3385359/analysis-canadas-charter-flawed-document-no-politician-dares-try-to-fix/ |access-date=May 9, 2022 |website=[[Global News]] |language=en-US}}</ref>
[[Image:Charter-revolution.jpg|right|thumb|250px|''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party'' is a book by [[F.L. Morton]] and [[Rainer Knopff]] that is highly critical of the use of the ''Charter'' by judges, interest groups and the federal government.]]
While the ''Charter'' has enjoyed a great deal of popularity, with 82% of Canadians describing it as a "good thing" in opinion polls in 1987 and 1999 <ref> [http://www.cbc.ca/news/features/constitution/ "The Charter at 20"], Philip Saunders, CBC News Online, April 2002. URL accessed on March 17, 2006. </ref>, the document has also been subject to published criticisms, both by the [[left-wing politics|political left]] and [[right-wing politics|right]]. One critic is Professor [[Michael Mandel (law professor)|Michael Mandel]], who wrote that in comparison to politicians, judges do not have to be as sensitive to the will of the electorate, nor do they have to make sure their decisions are easily understandable to the average citizen. This, in Mandel's view, limits democracy. Mandel has also charged that the ''Charter'' makes Canada more like the United States, especially by serving corporate rights and [[individual rights]] rather than group rights and social rights. Among the possible rights that Mandel has lamented for being excluded from the ''Charter'' include a right to [[health care]] and a basic right to [[free education]] (although the Charter does include minority language educational rights).<ref>Rand Dyck, ''Canadian Politics: Critical Approaches'' 3rd ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000.</ref>
 
One left-wing critic is professor [[Michael Mandel (law professor)|Michael Mandel]] (1989),<ref name="Dyck446" group="lower-alpha">Dyck (2000:446) summarizes [[Michael Mandel (law professor)|Mandel, Michael]]. 1994 [1989]. ''The Charter of Rights and the Legalization of Politics in Canada'' (revised ed.). Toronto: Wall and Thompson.</ref> who wrote that, in comparison to politicians, judges do not have to be as sensitive to the will of the electorate, nor do they have to make sure their decisions are easily understandable to the average Canadian citizen. This, in Mandel's view, limits democracy.<ref name=":3" />{{Rp|446}} Mandel has also asserted that the ''Charter'' makes Canada more like the United States, especially by serving corporate rights and [[individual rights]] rather than group rights and social rights.<ref name=":3" />{{Rp|446}} He has argued that there are several things that should be included in the ''Charter'', such as a [[right to health care]] and a basic right to free education. Hence, the perceived [[Americanization]] of Canadian politics is seen as coming at the expense of values more important for Canadians.<ref name=":3" />{{Rp|446}} The labour movement has been disappointed in the reluctance of the courts to use the ''Charter'' to support various forms of union activity, such as the "right to strike".{{Update inline|date=April 2020|reason=right to strike since 2015, see [[Saskatchewan Federation of Labour v Saskatchewan]]}}
American [[sociology|sociologist]] [[Seymour Martin Lipset]] has also criticized the ''Charter'' for making Canada more like the United States (in having constitutional rights). "At one fell swoop," Lipset claimed, the ''Charter'' "did away with the major constitutional difference between Canada and the United States."<ref>F.L. Morton and Ranier Knopff, ''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party.'' Toronto: Broadview Press, 2000. See quote on the back of the book.</ref>
 
Conservative critics [[Ted Morton|Morton]] and [[Rainer Knopff|Knopff]] (2000) have also launchedraised several chargesconcerns againstabout the ''Charter'', includingnotably by alleging that the federal government has used it to limit provincial powers by allying with various rights claimants and interest groups. In their book ''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party'' (2000), Morton and Knopff express their suspicions of this alliance in detail, chargingaccusing thatthe thePierre Trudeau and ChretienChrétien governments haveof fundedfunding litigious groups. For example, thethese federalgovernments governmentused supposedlythe uses[[Court theChallenges Program of Canada|Court Challenges Program]] to support minority language educational rights claims. Morton and Knopff evenalso claimassert that [[crown attorney|crown counsel]]s havehas intentionally lost cases in which the government was taken to court for allegedly violating rights,<ref group="lower-alpha">Morton and Knopff (2000) complain about crown counsels on p.117.</ref> particularly [[gay rights]] and [[women's rights]].<ref>F.L. Morton and Ranier Knopff, ''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party.'' Torontoname=":2" Broadview Press, 2000. Their other work is also decribed by Dyck.</ref>{{Rp|95}}
 
Political scientist [[Rand Dyck]] (2000), in observing these criticisms, notes that while judges have had their scope of review widened, they have still upheld most laws challenged on ''Charter'' grounds. With regard to litigious interest groups, Dyck points out that "the record is not as clear as Morton and Knopff imply. All such groups have experienced wins and losses."<ref>Dyck.< name=":3" /ref>{{Rp|448}}
 
The politicalPolitical philosopher [[Charles Blattberg]] (2003) has criticized the ''Charter'' for contributing to the fragmentation of the country, at both the individual and group levels. In encouraging discourse based upon rights, Blattberg claims the ''Charter'' is said to injectinjects an adversarial spirit into Canadian politics, making it difficult to realiserealize the common good. Blattberg also claims that the ''Charter'' undercuts the Canadian political community since it is ultimately a cosmopolitan document. Finally, he argues that people would be more motivated to uphold individual liberties if they were expressed with terms that are much "thicker" (less abstract) than rights.<ref>Charles Blattberg, Charles. 2003. ''Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada''. Montreal: and[[McGill–Queen's Kingston:University Press|McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003,]]. especially pagespp. 83-9483–94.</ref>
 
==See also==
{{Portal|Canada|Law}}
{{wikisource}}
*[[Canadian values]]
*[[List of Supreme Court of Canada cases (Dickson Court)]]
*''[[Veterans' Bill of Rights]]''
*[[List of Supreme Court of Canada cases (Lamer Court)]]
**[[List of Supreme Court of Canada cases (McLachlinDickson Court)]]
**[[List of Supreme Court of Canada cases (Lamer Court)]]
*[[Canadian Human Rights Act]]
**[[List of Supreme Court of Canada cases (McLachlin Court)]]
*[[Canadian Bill of Rights]]
*[[Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms]]
 
===Notes=References==
===Footnotes===
<div style="font-size: 85%"><references/></div>
{{notelist}}
<!--<nowiki>Please do not type footnotes here. Instead insert the footnote in its proper spot in the body of this article using the <ref name=> </ref> tags. See [[Wikipedia:Footnotes]] for an explanation of how to generate footnotes using the tags.</nowiki>-->
 
===Bibliography Citations ===
{{Reflist}}
 
==Further reading==
*G.-A Beaudoin and E. Ratushny, ''The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms'' 2nd ed. [[Carswell]], Toronto, 1989.
*Charles Blattberg, ''Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada'' Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003.
*Jean Chretien, ''Straight from the Heart'', Key Porter Books Limited, 1994.
*Andrew Cohen and JL Granatstein, eds. ''Trudeau's Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau''. Vintage Canada, 1998.
*Rand Dyck, ''Canadian Politics: Critical Approaches'' 3rd ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000.
*P.W. Hogg, ''Constitutional law of Canada'', 4th ed. Carswell: Scarborough with ''Supplement to Constitutional Law of Canada'' (2002-)
*J.P. Humphrey, ''Human Rights and the United Nations: A Great Adventure'' New York: Transnational Publishers, 1984.
*J.E. Magnet, ''Constitutional Law'', 8th ed. (2001).
*F.L. Morton and Ranier Knopff, ''The Charter Revolution & the Court Party.'' Toronto: Broadview Press, 2000.
 
* Beaudoin, G., and E. Ratushny. 1989. ''The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms''. (2nd ed.). Toronto: [[Carswell (publishers)|Carswell]].
===External links===
* Black-Branch, Jonathan L. 1995. [httphttps://lawsbooks.justicegoogle.gc.cacom/en/const/annex_e.html#Ibooks?id=b287tH3UbkAC&dq=Canadian%20Charter%20of%20Rights%20and%20Freedoms&pg=PP1 ''Making sense of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms'']. -Canadian DepartmentEducation ofAssociation. Justice website{{ISBN|0-920315-78-X}}
* [[Department of Justice (Canada)|Department of Justice Canada]]. 2019. "[https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/rfc-dlc/ccrf-ccdl/cases.html Examples of Charter-related cases]." ''Canada's System of Justice''. Department of Justice Canada. Web.
* [http://laws.justice.gc.ca/en/c-12.3/text.html Canadian Bill of Rights, 1960]
* {{cite web |last1=Fine |first1=Sean |title=Canada's Charter turned 40 on Sunday – and it's still as radical and enigmatic as it was in 1982 |url=https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-canada-charter-turns-40-supreme-court/ |website=The Globe and Mail |access-date=22 January 2023 |date=17 April 2022 |quote=While the notwithstanding clause gives governments a unique way to override basic rights, Supreme Court judges have had a broad mandate to set out what those rights are}}
* [http://www.constitutional-law.net/general.html Constitutional Law of Canada] by Professor Joseph E. Magnet, University of Ottawa
* Hogg, Peter W. 2002. ''Constitutional law of Canada'' (4th ed.), with ''Supplement to Constitutional Law of Canada''. Scarborough: Carswell.
* Humphrey, J. P. 1984. ''Human Rights and the United Nations: A Great Adventure''. New York: Transnational Publishers.
* Magnet, J.E. 2001. ''Constitutional Law'' (8th ed.).
* Silver, Cindy. 1995?. ''Family Autonomy and the Charter of Rights: Protecting Parental Liberty in a Child-Centred Legal System'', in series, ''Discussion Paper [of] the Centre for Renewal in Public Policy'' '''3'''. Gloucester, ON: Centre for Renewal in Public Policy. p.&nbsp;27.
 
==External links==
{{Wikisource}}
*[https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/const/page-12.html Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms] – the Charter, via Department of Justice Canada
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20160110221331/http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/Const/page-15.html Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms] – the Charter, via Department of Justice Canada (Archived)
*[https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/rfc-dlc/ccrf-ccdl/check/index.html Charterpedia] – online encyclopedia about the Charter, via Department of Justice Canada
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20070504011812/http://www.collectionscanada.ca/rights-and-freedoms/ Building a Just Society: A Retrospective of Canadian Rights and Freedoms] – via [[Library and Archives Canada]]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20110906065034/http://canlii.org/en/ca/charter_digest/index.html Charter of Rights Decisions Digest] – via [[Canadian Legal Information Institute]]
*[http://www.constitutional-law.net/general.html Constitutional Law of Canada] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210225044206/http://www.constitutional-law.net/general.html |date=February 25, 2021 }} – via Professor Joseph E. Magnet, University of Ottawa
*[http://www.charterofrights.ca/language.php Fundamental Freedoms: ''The Charter of Rights and Freedoms''] – ''Charter of Rights and Freedoms'', includes video, audio, and the ''Charter'' in over 10 languages
 
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[[Category:Constitution Act, 1982]]
[[es:Carta Canadiense de los Derechos y las Libertades]]
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