Kosovo War: Difference between revisions

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restoring NPOV, old casus
Removed Hakif Zejnullahu. Per article he was killed before the war even started.
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{{Short description|1998–1999 armed conflict in Kosovo}}
{{WPMILHIST Collaboration}}
{{Redirect|Kosovo crisis|the crises in North Kosovo|North Kosovo crisis (disambiguation){{!}}North Kosovo crisis}}
{{verify}}
{{pp-vandalism|small=yes|expiry=indefinite}}
{{Infobox Military Conflict
{{Use British English|date=November 2014}}
|conflict=Kosovo War
{{Use dmy dates|date=June 2021}}
|partof=[[Yugoslav wars]]
{{Infobox military conflict
|image=
| conflict = Kosovo War
|caption=
| partof = the [[Yugoslav Wars]]{{sfn|Thomas|2006|p=47}}
|date=[[1996]]-[[1999]]
| image = {{multiple image|border=infobox|perrow=2/2/1|total_width=300
|place=[[Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]] ([[Kosovo]])
| image1=Belgrade_NATO_bombardment_damage1.JPG
|casus= '''1998-99''' Violation of ethnic Albanians' human rights by the Government of Serbia
| alt1=
|territory=
| image2=Bllace refugee camp.jpg
|result= Yugoslav troops pull out of Kosovo; [[UN]]/[[NATO]] troops enter Kosovo
| alt2=
|combatant1=[[Image:Flag of NATO.svg|22px]] [[NATO]]<br>[[Image:Uck kla logo.gif|22px]] [[Kosovo Liberation Army|KLA]]
| image3=Kla members.jpg
|combatant2=[[Image:Flag of Serbia and Montenegro.svg|22px]] [[Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]]<br>[[Image:Flag of Serbia and Montenegro.svg|22px]] Various militias and paramilitaries, as well as international volunteers [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/348340.stm]
| alt3=
|commander1=[[Image:Flag of NATO.svg|22px]] [[Wesley Clark]] ([[SACEUR]])<br>[[Image:Flag of NATO.svg|22px]] [[Javier Solana]] ([[Secretary General of NATO]])<br> [[Image:Uck kla logo.gif|22px]] [[Hashim Thaci]] (Political Representative of the KLA)<br>[[Image:Uck kla logo.gif|22px]] [[Suleiman "Sultan" Selimi]] (Chief of Staff of the KLA, until May 1999)<br>[[Image:Uck kla logo.gif|22px]] [[Agim Çeku]] (Chief of Staff of the KLA, from May 1999)
| image4=Kosovo_010.jpg
|commander2=[[Image:Flag of Serbia and Montenegro.svg|22px]] [[Slobodan Milošević]] (Supreme Commander of the Army of Yugoslavia)<br>[[Image:Flag of Serbia and Montenegro.svg|22px]] [[Dragoljub Ojdanić]] (Chief of Staff)<br>[[Image:Flag of Serbia and Montenegro.svg|22px]] [[Svetozar Marjanović]] (Deputy Chief of Staff)
| image5=Aviano_f-15_(cropped).jpg
|strength1=
| alt6=}}
|strength2=
'''Clockwise from top left:''' [[Yugoslav Ministry of Defence Building|Yugoslav general staff headquarters]] damaged by [[NATO]] air strikes; Kosovo Albanian refugee camp at Bllacë; [[Kosovo Force]] soldiers near the Kosovo-Macedonia border; a [[United States Air Force|USAF]] [[F-15E Strike Eagle|F-15E]] taking off from [[Aviano Air Base]]; Members of the [[Kosovo Liberation Army]] hand over their weapons to US Marines
|casualties1=2 confirmed NATO KIA [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/335709.stm]
| date = 28 February 1998&nbsp;– 11 June 1999<br />({{Age in years, months, weeks and days|month1=02|day1=28|year1=1998|month2=06|day2=11|year2=1999}})
|casualties2=5,000 military; 12,000 civilians (estimate)
| place = [[Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija|Kosovo]], [[Serbia and Montenegro|FR Yugoslavia]] with incursions into [[Albania]] (OSCE report)<ref>{{cite news |url = https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1999-apr-14-mn-27375-story.html |title = Yugoslav Troops Said to Cross Into Albania |newspaper=Los Angeles Times |date=1999-04-14|access-date=2012-02-20|first=John|last=Daniszewski}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url = https://www.independent.co.uk/news/war-in-the-balkans-serbs-enter-albania-and-burn-village-1087030.html |title = War In The Balkans: Serbs enter Albania and burn village |newspaper=The Independent |date=1999-04-14|access-date=2012-02-20|___location=London|first=Emma|last=Daly}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://fas.org/irp/threat/terrorism/sup6.pdf |title=Hostage-Taking and Kidnapping Terror in the COE |publisher=[[US Army Training and Doctrine Command]] TRADOC G2 |___location=[[Fort Leavenworth]], Kansas |date=5 December 2008 |orig-date=15 September 2008 |via=[[Federation of American Scientists]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.wrmea.com/1999-july-august/a-chronology-of-u.s.-middle-east-relations.html|title=A Chronology of U.S.-Middle East Relations|website=WRMEA|date=25 July 1999 }}</ref>
|notes=
| territory = No [[de jure]] changes to Yugoslav borders according to [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244|Resolution 1244]], but [[de facto]] and partial [[de jure]] political and economic independence of [[Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija|Kosovo]] from [[Serbia and Montenegro|FR Yugoslavia]] due to being placed under [[United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo|UN administration]]
| result = {{ublist|'''[[Kumanovo Agreement]]'''<ref>{{cite book |last1=Noel |first1=Sid |title=From Power Sharing to Democracy: Post-Conflict Institutions in Ethnically Divided Societies |date=2005 |publisher=McGill-Queen's University Press |isbn=978-0-77357-310-9 |page=109 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GtADbMDlxxsC&pg=PA109}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Ramet |editor1-first=Sabrina P. |editor2-last=Simkus |editor2-first=Albert |editor3-last=Listhaug |editor3-first=Ola |title=Civic and Uncivic Values in Kosovo: History, Politics, and Value Transformation |date=2015 |publisher=Central European University Press |isbn=978-9-63386-074-8 |page=121 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8f0OEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA121}}</ref><ref>Stigler, Andrew L. "A clear victory for air power: NATO's empty threat to invade Kosovo." International Security 27.3 (2003): 124–157.</ref><ref>{{Cite news|date=11 June 1999|title=Milosevic Claims Victory, Lauds Army|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/balkans/stories/belgrade061199.htm?noredirect=on|newspaper=[[Washington Post]]}}</ref>}}
* Yugoslav forces and institutions pull out of Kosovo
* [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244|United Nations Resolution 1244]]<ref>{{cite news |url = http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/1999/06/10/MN82284.DTL |title = Yugoslav, NATO Generals Sign Peace Agreement for Kosovo / Alliance will end air campaign when Serbian troops pull out|work=San Francisco Chronicle |date=1999-06-10|access-date=2012-02-20|first1=Valerie|last1=Reitman|first2=Paul|last2=Richter|first3=John-Thor|last3=Dahlburg}}</ref>
* Return of [[Kosovo Albanians|Albanian]] refugees
* Flight or expulsion of over half of the [[Kosovo Serbs|Serb]] and other non-Albanian civilians{{efn|<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Vladisavljević |author-first=Nebojša |year=2012 |chapter=Kosovo and Two Dimensions of the Contemporary Serb-Albanian Conflict |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wkQ3I6GyClEC&pg=PA29 |editor1-last=Hudson |editor1-first=Robert |editor2-last=Bowman |editor2-first=Glenn |title=After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics Within the Successor States |___location=Cham, Switzerland |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |pages=29–30 |doi=10.1057/9780230305137_3 |isbn=978-0230201316 |access-date=12 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |author-last=Wills |author-first=Siobhán |year=2009 |title=Protecting Civilians: The Obligations of Peacekeepers |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QoqQ7kBrlSAC&pg=PA219 |___location=Oxford and New York |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |page=219 |isbn=978-0-19-953387-9 |access-date=12 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Abuses against Serbs and Roma in the new Kosovo |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/kosov2/ |date=August 1999 |url-status=live |publisher=[[Human Rights Watch]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221113211702/http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/kosov2/ |archive-date=13 November 2022 |access-date=12 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=The Violence: Ethnic Albanian Attacks on Serbs and Roma |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/kosovo0704/7.htm |date=July 2004 |url-status=live |publisher=[[Human Rights Watch]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220712101508/https://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/kosovo0704/7.htm |archive-date=12 July 2022 |access-date=12 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Kosovo Crisis Update |url=http://www.unhcr.org/3ae6b80f2c.html |date=August 4, 1999 |url-status=live |newspaper=[[United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees|UNHCR]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220702170303/https://www.unhcr.org/3ae6b80f2c.html |archive-date=2 July 2022 |access-date=12 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Forced Expulsion of Kosovo Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians from OSCE Participated state to Kosovo |url=http://www.osce.org/odihr/21342 |date=October 6, 2006 |url-status=live |publisher=[[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe|OSCE]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220528105950/https://www.osce.org/odihr/21342 |archive-date=28 May 2022 |access-date=12 December 2022}}</ref>}}
* Establishment of [[Kosovo Force|KFOR]]
| combatant1 = {{Tree list}}
*{{Army|Republic of Kosova}}
**{{Flagicon image|Flag of Kosova (1991–1999).svg|size=23px}} [[Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosova|FARK]]{{efn|From August 1998 as the Kosovo Liberation Army as 138th Brigade.}}
{{Tree list/end}}
----
{{Collapsible list
|bullets = yes
|title = {{flag|NATO|size=23px}} ({{nobold|[[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia|from 24 March 1999]]}})
| {{flag|Belgium}}
| {{flag|Canada}}
| {{flag|Denmark}}
| {{flag|France|1974}}
| {{flag|Germany}}
| {{flag|Italy}}
| {{flag|Netherlands}}
| {{flag|Norway}}<ref name="Norske jagerfly på vingene i går">{{cite web |url=http://tux1.aftenposten.no/nyheter/uriks/kosovo/d74906.htm |title=Norske jagerfly på vingene i går |newspaper=[[Aftenposten]] |date=26 March 1999 |author=Reidun J. Samuelsen |access-date=26 October 2016 |language=no |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120119062654/http://tux1.aftenposten.no/nyheter/uriks/kosovo/d74906.htm |archive-date=19 January 2012 }}</ref>
| {{flag|Portugal}}
| {{flag|Spain}}
| {{flag|Turkey}}<ref name="Turkish Air Force">{{cite web |url=http://www.hvkk.tsk.tr/PageSub/Kurumumuz/Tarihce/1944-Today.aspx |title=Turkish Air Force |website=Hvkk.tsk.tr |access-date=24 March 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090626073446/http://www.hvkk.tsk.tr/PageSub/Kurumumuz/Tarihce/1944-Today.aspx |archive-date=26 June 2009 |url-status=dead }}</ref>
| {{flag|United Kingdom}}
| {{flag|United States|1960}}
}}
| combatant2 = {{flag|Serbia and Montenegro|name=FR Yugoslavia}}
{{Campaignbox Yugoslav Wars}}
<!-- please don't insert "volunteers" of any sort, as they are not combatant authorities -->| commander1 = {{ubl
The term '''Kosovo War''' or '''Kosovo Conflict''' is often used to describe two sequential and at times parallel armed conflicts (a civil war followed by an international war) in [[Kosovo]]. These conflicts were:
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Adem Jashari]]{{KIA}}
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Hamëz Jashari]]{{KIA}}
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of Kosova (1991–1999).svg|size=23px}} [[Sali Çekaj]]{{KIA}}
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Ismet Asllani]]{{KIA}}
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Hashim Thaçi]]
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Sylejman Selimi]]
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Agim Ramadani]]{{KIA}}
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Ramush Haradinaj]]
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} [[Agim Çeku]]
| {{Flagicon image|Flag of Kosova (1991–1999).svg|size=23px}} [[:sq:Ahmet Krasniqi|Ahmet Krasniqi]]{{assassinated}}
}}
----
{{flagicon|NATO}} [[Wesley Clark]]
<!-- please don't insert "volunteers" of any sort, as they are not combatant authorities -->| commander2 = {{ubl|
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Slobodan Milošević]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Pavle Bulatović]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Dragoljub Ojdanić]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Vlastimir Đorđević]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Sreten Lukić]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Nebojša Pavković]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Vladimir Lazarević]]
|{{flagicon|Serbia and Montenegro}} [[Goran Radosavljević]]
}}
| strength1 = {{Flagicon image|Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|size=23px}} 15,000–30,000 insurgents<ref>{{cite news |last1=Kettle |first1=Martin |title=Strength of KLA 'has tripled' |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/may/29/balkans3 |work=The Guardian |date=29 May 1999}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Bartrop |first1=Paul R. |title=Bosnian Genocide: The Essential Reference Guide |date=18 January 2016 |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing USA |isbn=978-1-4408-3869-9 |page=120 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bBjHEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA120 |quote=At the height of its operations, the KLA had some 20,000 armed troops.}}</ref><ref name="Bodansky2011">{{cite book|first=Yossef|last=Bodansky|title=bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vur8xnVanEUC&pg=PA398|date=4 May 2011|publisher=Crown Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-307-79772-8|pages=398–403}}</ref>
*Unknown number of foreign volunteers<ref>{{cite news |last1=Davison |first1=Phil |title=Focus: Kosovo Peace Deal - Briton in KLA 'kills 24 Serbs' |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/focus-kosovo-peace-deal-briton-in-kla-kills-24-serbs-1099942.html |access-date=27 April 2024 |work=Independent |date=12 June 1999}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Balkans fighters are taking up arms in Ukraine, with risks for organized crime |url=https://riskbulletins.globalinitiative.net/see-obs-014/04-balkans-fighters-are-taking-up-arms-in-ukraine.html |publisher=[[Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime]] |access-date=27 April 2024}}</ref>
{{ubl
| {{flagicon|NATO}} ''{{circa}}'' 80 aircraft ([[Operation Eagle Eye (Kosovo)|Operation Eagle Eye]])<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.60xdeutschland.de/die-bundeswehr-zieht-in-den-krieg/|title=Die Bundeswehr zieht in den Krieg|website=60xdeutschland.de|date=24 March 1999|access-date=2012-05-06|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110903002336/http://www.60xdeutschland.de/die-bundeswehr-zieht-in-den-krieg/|archive-date=3 September 2011|url-status=dead}}</ref>
| {{flagicon|NATO}} 1,031 aircraft ([[Operation Allied Force]])<ref name="Kosovo operation allied force after-action report">{{cite journal|url=http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/kosovoaa/kaar02072000.pdf|title=Report to Congress: Kosovo operation allied force after-action report|website=au.af.mil|date=30 January 2000|pages=31–32|access-date=26 October 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161102034549/http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/kosovoaa/kaar02072000.pdf|archive-date=2 November 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref>
| {{flagicon|NATO}} 30+ warships and submarines<ref name="defense1">{{cite web|url=http://www.defense.gov/specials/kosovo/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100228163643/http://www.defense.gov/specials/kosovo/|url-status=dead|archive-date=2010-02-28|title=NATO Operation Allied Force|website=Defense.gov|access-date=2012-02-28}}</ref>
}}
| strength2 = {{ubl
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 85,000–114,000 soldiers<ref>{{Cite web |title=NATO Operation Allied Force |url=https://archive.defense.gov/specials/kosovo/ |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210602054357/https://archive.defense.gov/specials/kosovo/#federation=archive.wikiwix.com&tab=url |url-status=dead |archive-date=2 June 2021 |access-date=2024-01-04 |website=archive.wikiwix.com }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo - 3. Forces of the Conflict |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/undword-02.htm |website=hrw.org |publisher=Human Rights Watch}}</ref> (including 40,000 in and around Kosovo)<ref name="defense1" /><ref>{{cite book |date=2003 |first=R. Craig |last=Nation |title=War in the Balkans, 1991–2002 |isbn=1-58487-134-2 |page=227 |publisher=Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College |url=https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/101059/War_Balkans.pdf |quote=In June 1998, the Yugoslav Army launched a counter offensive, massing over 40,000 troops operating with tanks, helicopters, heavy artillery, and mortar fire, that gathered momentum as it progressed and by late summer seemed to be on the verge of breaking organized resistance once and for all. }}</ref>
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 20,000 policemen
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 100 SAM sites<ref name="defense1" />
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 1,400 artillery pieces (both ground & air defence)<ref name="defense1" />
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 240 aircraft<ref name="defense1" />
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 2,032 armoured vehicles & tanks<ref name="defense1" />
| {{flagdeco|Serbia|1991}} Unknown number of Serbian paramilitary units ([[Šakali]], [[Scorpions (paramilitary)|Škorpioni]], [[Avengers (paramilitary)|White Eagles]])
| {{flagicon image|Flag of the Russian volunteers in Yugoslavia.svg}} Several hundred Russian volunteers<ref>{{cite web | url=https://cojstvo.rs/%D0%91%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0%D1%85-%D0%93%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%B1%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D1%87 | title=Чојство - Булах Глебович }}</ref>
| {{flagicon image|Flag of UNA-UNSO.svg}} Unknown number of [[Ukrainian National Assembly – Ukrainian People's Self-Defence|Ukrainian volunteers]]<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/348340.stm|title=Fighting for a foreign land|publisher=BBC News|date=1999-05-20|access-date=2012-02-28}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url = http://russiajournal.com/node/487|title=Russian volunteer's account of Kosovo|work=The Russia Journal|date=1999-07-05|access-date=2012-02-28|url-status=usurped|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111226014819/http://russiajournal.com/node/487n|archive-date=2011-12-26 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vYpXDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT22|isbn = 9780997896541|title = Ukraine in the Crossfire|date = 5 April 2017|publisher = SCB Distributors}}</ref>
}}
| casualties1 = {{ubl
| [[File:Flag of the Kosovo Liberation Army.svg|20px]] 1,500–2,131 insurgents killed{{sfn|Daalder|O'Hanlon|2000|p=151}}<ref name="presentation">{{cite web |title = Kosovo Memory Book Database Presentation and Evaluation |url= http://www.kosovomemorybook.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Expert_Evaluation_of_Kosovo_Memory_Book_Database_Prishtina_04_02_2015.pdf |publisher=Humanitarian Law Center |date = 4 February 2015 |access-date = 6 February 2016 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20190111055051/http://www.kosovomemorybook.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Expert_Evaluation_of_Kosovo_Memory_Book_Database_Prishtina_04_02_2015.pdf |archive-date=11 January 2019 |url-status=dead }}</ref>
}}
----
{{ubl
| {{flagicon|US|1960}} 2 killed (non-combat) and 3 captured<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/335709.stm|title=Two die in Apache crash|work=BBC News|date=1999-05-05|access-date=2012-05-06 }}</ref>
| {{flagicon|US|1960}} 2 aircraft shot down and 3 damaged<ref>{{cite web|date=2005-11-21 |url=http://www.strategypage.com/htmw/htada/articles/20051121.aspx|title=How to Take Down an F-117 |website=Strategypage.com|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Holloman commander recalls being shot down in Serbia|date=7 February 2007|url=http://www.f-16.net/news_article2167.html|access-date=2012-05-06|website=F-16.net}}</ref><ref name="ejection-history1"/><ref>{{cite news|title=F-117 damage said attributed to full moon|url=http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=AT&p_theme=at&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0EADA4695E8E4162&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM#profF-117|page=A14|work=[[The Atlanta Journal-Constitution]]|date=1999-05-06|access-date=2012-02-20|archive-date=9 June 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110609004521/http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=AT&p_theme=at&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0EADA4695E8E4162&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM#profF-117|url-status=dead}}</ref>
| {{flagicon|US|1960}} Two [[AH-64 Apache]]s and an [[AV-8B Harrier]] crashed (non-combat)<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/333596.stm|title=Nato loses two planes|work=BBC News|date=1999-05-02|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref>
| {{flagicon|NATO}} 47 UAVs shot down<ref>{{cite news|title=Unmanned Aerial Vehicles Increase In Numbers |url=http://www.radardaily.com/reports/Unmanned_Aerial_Vehicles_Increase_In_Numbers_999.html |publisher=Radardaily.com |date=9 October 2007|agency=RIA Novosti|first=Andrei|last=Kislyakov|access-date=2012-02-28}}</ref>
}}
| casualties2 = {{ubl
| '''Caused by [[NATO]]:'''
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 276–1,200 killed{{efn|Serbia claims that 1,008 Yugoslav soldiers and policemen were killed by NATO bombing.<ref name="mondo">{{cite web|url=http://mondo.rs/a278816/Info/Srbija/NATO-nam-ubio-1.008-vojnika-i-policajaca.html|title=NATO nam ubio 1.008 vojnika i policajaca|date=11 February 2013|publisher=Mondo|access-date=2013-02-11|archive-date=6 August 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160806174328/http://mondo.rs/a278816/Info/Srbija/NATO-nam-ubio-1.008-vojnika-i-policajaca.html|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/sr/story/9/politika/1264384/stradalo-1008-vojnika-i-policajaca.html|title=Stradalo 1.008 vojnika i policajaca|publisher=RTS, Radio televizija Srbije, Radio Television of Serbia |website=www.rts.rs}}</ref> NATO initially claimed that 5,000 Yugoslav servicemen had been killed and 10,000 had been wounded during the NATO air campaign.<ref name="Bideleux & Jeffries">{{cite book|last1=Bideleux|first1=Robert |last2=Jeffries|first2=Ian|title=The Balkans: A Post-Communist History |publisher=Routledge|year=2006|isbn=978-0-203-96911-3|page=[https://archive.org/details/balkanspostcommu0000bide/page/558 558] |url=https://archive.org/details/balkanspostcommu0000bide/page/558}}</ref><ref name="Chambers">{{cite book|last=Chambers II|first=John Whiteclay|title=The Oxford Companion to American Military History|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1999|isbn=978-0-19-507198-6|page=[https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00cham/page/375 375]|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00cham/page/375}}</ref> NATO has since revised this estimation to 1,200 Yugoslav soldiers and policemen killed.<ref name="Coopersmith & Launius">{{cite book|last1=Coopersmith|first1=Jonathan|last2=Launius|first2=Roger D.|title=Taking Off: A Century of Manned Flight|publisher=American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics|year=2003|isbn=978-1-56347-610-5|page=54}}</ref> According to the Humanitarian Law Center, the NATO air campaign killed 276 member of Serbian police and military forces.<ref name="presentation" />}}
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 14 tanks,<ref name=fourteen>{{cite news|work=Los Angeles Times |url=https://www.latimes.com/opinion/la-xpm-2011-apr-03-la-oe-cockburn-libya-20110403-story.html|first=Andrew|last=Cockburn|title=The limits of air power|date=3 April 2011|access-date=3 March 2013}}</ref> 18 [[Armoured personnel carrier|APCs]], 20 artillery pieces{{sfn|Macdonald|2007|p=99}} and 121 aircraft and helicopters destroyed{{sfn|Bacevich|Cohen|2001|p=22}}
| '''Caused by KLA:'''
| {{flagicon|FRY}} 808 killed (HLC figures)<ref name="presentation" />}}{{Flagicon|FR Yugoslavia}} 26 tanks destroyed<ref>{{Cite book |last=Khan |first=Zafarul-Islam |date=August 22, 2008 |title=Russian Military Intelligence (GRU) Daily Reports on the Iraq War |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HWJtAAAAMAAJ |access-date=2025-01-11 |publisher=Pharos |isbn=978-81-7221-022-9 }}</ref><br>{{flagicon image|Flag of the Russian volunteers in Yugoslavia.svg}} 4–20 Russian volunteers killed<ref>{{Cite web |date=1999-07-11 |title=Ein Berliner, ein Dresdener und ein Däne erzählen, wie sie als Freiwillige zu den albanischen Rebellen der UCK kamen: Aus dem Schützenverein ins Kosovo |url=https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/ein-berliner-ein-dresdener-und-ein-daene-erzaehlen-wie-sie-als-freiwillige-zu-den-albanischen-rebellen-der-uck-kamen-aus-dem-schuetzenverein-ins-kosovo-li.68562 |access-date=2024-04-03 |website=Berliner Zeitung |language=de|quote=Am Nachmittag des 6. April stößt seine Einheit in einem Wäldchen nahe Pristina auf eine Gruppe von Kämpfern des berüchtigten Serbenführers Arkan. Erst nach einem langen, heftigen Schußwechsel ziehen sich Arkans Soldaten zurück. Sie haben zwanzig Männer verloren. Sascha sagt, die Gefallenen seien Russen gewesen. Auch einer der UCK-Soldaten stirbt in diesem Kampf. (German) On the afternoon of April 6, his unit encountered a group of fighters belonging to the notorious Serb leader Arkan in a forest near Pristina. Only after a long, fierce exchange of fire do Arkan's soldiers retreat. They lost twenty men. Sascha says the fallen were Russians. One of the KLA soldiers also dies in this fight. (English)}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://srbin.info/drustvo/otkrivamo-ko-je-ubijeni-rusi-dobrovoljac-ciji-snimak-ubistva-su-objavili-albancivideo/ | title=ОТКРИВАМО: Ко је убијени руски добровољац чији снимак убиства су објавили Албанци(Видео) | date=15 February 2014 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.hlc-rdc.org/db/kkp_en/index.html | title=List of killed, missing and disappeared 1998-2000 }}</ref>|{{flagdeco|Russia|civil}} 1 Russian volunteer killed<ref>https://srbin.info/drustvo/otkrivamo-ko-je-ubijeni-rusi-dobrovoljac-ciji-snimak-
ubistva-su-objavili-albancivideo/</ref>
| casualties3 = '''Total:''' {{circa|13,548}} fighters and civilians of all ethnicities dead<ref name="presentation"/><br />{{flagicon|ALB}} 8,676 to 9,269 [[Kosovo Albanians|Kosovar Albanian]] civilians killed or missing<ref name="Tribunal focuses on Serbia's Kosovo war - Europe - International Herald Tribune">{{cite web|title=Tribunal focuses on Serbia's Kosovo war - Europe - International Herald Tribune| website=[[The New York Times]] |url=http://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/10/world/europe/10iht-serbia.2166700.html?_r=0|archive-url=https://archive.today/20130216151851/http://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/10/world/europe/10iht-serbia.2166700.html?_r=0|url-status=dead|archive-date=2013-02-16}}</ref><ref name="presentation"/><ref>{{cite book | url=https://archive.org/details/warfarearmedconf0000clod/page/n9/mode/2up | isbn=978-0-7864-3319-3 | title=Warfare and armed conflicts : A statistical encyclopedia of casualty and other figures, 1494-2007 | date=2008 | last1=Clodfelter | first1=Micheal | publisher=McFarland, Incorporated, Publishers }}</ref><br>{{flagicon|ALB}} 90% of Kosovar Albanians displaced during the war<ref name="Facts and Figurues - War in Europe"/> (848,000–863,000 expelled from Kosovo<ref>{{cite book |last=Judah |first=Tim |title=The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia |publisher=[[Yale University Press]] |___location=[[New Haven, Connecticut]] |year=1997 |edition=2009, 3rd |isbn=978-0-300-15826-7 |page=150 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KxQaCAAAQBAJ&q=848%2C000 |access-date=3 January 2021 |quote=the Serbian police began clearing ... people [who] were marched down to the station and deported... the UNCHR registered 848,000 people who had either been forcibly expelled or had fled |via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Kosovo/Kosova: As Seen|pages=Part III, Chap 14}}</ref> {{flagicon|ALB}} 590,000 Kosovar Albanians displaced within Kosovo)<ref name="Facts and Figurues - War in Europe">{{cite web|title=Facts and Figurues – War in Europe|url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/kosovo/etc/facts.html|website=www.pbs.org|access-date=27 January 2015}}</ref><br />
{{Flagdeco|Serbia and Montenegro}} 1,641 non-Albanian civilians killed or missing, including 1,196 ethnic Serbs, and 445 Romani and others<ref name="presentation"/><br />
{{Flagdeco|Serbia and Montenegro}}/{{flagicon|ALB}} Civilian deaths caused by [[NATO]] bombing: 489–528 (per [[Human Rights Watch]])<ref name="hrw.org">{{cite web |url=https://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2000/nato/Natbm200-01.htm |title=Civilian Deaths in the NATO Air Campaign – The Crisis In Kosovo |work=HRW |access-date=20 January 2012 |archive-date=19 April 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090419162307/http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2000/nato/Natbm200-01.htm |url-status=dead }}</ref> or 454 (per HLC),<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.hlc-rdc.org/?p=34890&lang=de|title=754 Victims of NATO Bombing – Fond za humanitarno pravo/Humanitarian Law Center/Fondi për të Drejtën Humanitare &#124; Fond za humanitarno pravo/Humanitarian Law Center/Fondi për të Drejtën Humanitare|website=www.hlc-rdc.org|date=23 March 2018 }}</ref> also includes {{flagicon|PRC}} 3 Chinese journalists [[United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade|killed]]<br>
'''Aftermath:''' <br>113,128<ref name="UNHCR2019">{{cite web |title=UNHCR - Kosovo Fact Sheet 2019 |url=https://www.unhcr.org/see/wp-content/uploads/sites/57/2019/05/Fact-sheet-Kosovo-9-May-2019.pdf |publisher=UNHCR}}</ref> to 200,000+ [[Kosovo Serbs]], [[Romani people|Romani]], and other non-Albanian civilians displaced<ref name = hrw2004 />
| no-___location-property = yes
| casus = '''1998–1999''' KLA separatist war.<br />'''1999''' Non-acceptance of the [[Rambouillet talks]].<ref>[http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99-040e.htm Press Statement by Dr. Javier Solana, Secretary General of NATO] from NATO's website, 23 March 1999.</ref>
}}
{{Campaignbox Kosovo War}}
The '''Kosovo War''' ({{langx|sq|Lufta e Kosovës}}; {{lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Косовски рат|Kosovski rat}}) was an armed conflict in [[Kosovo]] that lasted from 28 February 1998 until 11 June 1999.<ref>{{cite book|first=Michael J.|last=Boyle |year=2014|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PC4_AwAAQBAJ&pg=PA175|title=Violence After War: Explaining Instability in Post-Conflict States |___location=Baltimore |publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|page=175 |isbn=978-1421412573}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |author=Independent International Commission on Kosovo |url=http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/6D26FF88119644CFC1256989005CD392-thekosovoreport.pdf |title=The Kosovo Report |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2000 |isbn=978-0199243099 |___location=Oxford |page=2}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Quackenbush |first=Stephen L. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=l9c5DQAAQBAJ&pg=PA202 |title=International Conflict: Logic and Evidence |publisher=Sage |year=2015 |isbn=978-1452240985 |___location=Los Angeles |page=202}}</ref> It was fought between the forces of the [[Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]] (FRY), which controlled Kosovo before the war, and the [[Kosovo Albanians|Kosovo Albanian]] [[separatist]] [[militia]] known as the [[Kosovo Liberation Army]] (KLA). The conflict ended when the [[NATO|North Atlantic Treaty Organization]] (NATO) [[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia|intervened by beginning air strikes in March 1999]] which resulted in Yugoslav forces withdrawing from Kosovo.
 
The KLA was formed in the early 1990s to fight against the discrimination of [[Kosovo Albanians|ethnic Albanians]] and the repression of political dissent by the Serbian authorities, which started after the suppression of [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo|Kosovo's autonomy]] and other discriminatory policies against [[Albanians]] by [[Serbians|Serbian]] leader [[Slobodan Milošević]] in 1989.{{sfn|Reveron|Murer|2006|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=OjvdsfiWwJcC&pg=PA67 67–68]}}<ref>Weymouth, Tony. The Kosovo Crisis: The Last American War in Europe?. United Kingdom: Reuters, 2001.</ref> The KLA initiated its first campaign in 1995, after Kosovo's case was left out of the [[Dayton Agreement]] and it had become clear that [[Ibrahim Rugova|President Rugova's]] strategy of [[peaceful resistance]] had failed to bring Kosovo onto the international agenda.<ref name="Kubo2010">{{cite journal |title=Why Kosovar Albanians Took Up Arms against the Serbian Regime: The Genesis and Expansion of the UÇK in Kosovo |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |date=2010-08-09 |last=Kubo |first=Keiichi |volume=62 |issue=7 |pages=1135–1152 |issn=0966-8136 |doi=10.1080/09668136.2010.497022 |s2cid=154405255 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09668136.2010.497022 |access-date=2023-09-07 |url-access=subscription }}</ref> In June 1996, the group claimed responsibility for acts of [[sabotage]] targeting Kosovo police stations, during the [[Insurgency in Kosovo (1995–1998)|Kosovo Insurgency]].<ref>{{cite web|title=Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo – 2. Background|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/undword-01.htm|access-date=2020-08-07 |website=www.hrw.org}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |author=United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees |url=https://www.refworld.org/docid/469f38f51e.html|access-date=2020-08-07 |title=Chronology for Kosovo Albanians in Yugoslavia|website=Refworld}}</ref> In 1997, the organization acquired a large quantity of arms through [[weapons smuggling]] from [[Albania]], following a [[Albanian Rebellion of 1997|rebellion]] in which weapons were looted from the country's police and army posts. In early 1998, KLA attacks targeting Yugoslav authorities in Kosovo resulted in an increased presence of Serb paramilitaries and regular forces who subsequently began pursuing a campaign of retribution targeting KLA sympathisers and political opponents;{{sfn|Mincheva|Gurr|2013|pp=27–28}} this campaign killed 1,500 to 2,000 civilians and KLA combatants, and had displaced 370,000 Kosovar Albanians by March 1999.<ref name=HRW>{{cite web|publisher=Human Rights Watch|title=Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo (March–June 1999)|date=12 June 1999 |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/undword-03.htm |access-date=25 February 2013}}</ref><ref name="Judah">{{cite book |last=Judah|title=The Serbs|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-15826-7 |year=2009}}</ref>
# '''1996&ndash;1999''': Conflict between Serbian and Yugoslav security forces and the [[Kosovo Liberation Army]], an Albanian guerilla group seeking independence for the province.
# '''1999''': [[NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|War between Yugoslavia and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation]] between [[March 24]] and [[June 10]] [[1999]] [http://www.nato.int/kosovo/all-frce.htm], during which NATO attacked Yugoslav targets, Albanian guerillas continued battles with Yugoslav forces, amidst a massive displacement of population in Kosovo [http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/+CwwBmeI2269wwwwwwwwwwwwhFqhT0yfEtFqnp1xcAFqhT0yfEcFqAj1td5cwVowDzmxwwwwwww/opendoc.pdf] (PDF).
 
On 20 March 1999, Yugoslav forces began a massive campaign of repression and expulsions of Kosovar Albanians following the withdrawal of the [[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe|OSCE]] [[Kosovo Verification Mission]] (KVM) and the failure of the proposed [[Rambouillet Agreement]].<ref name=HRW/><ref>{{cite web|title=A Review of NATO's War over Kosovo|website=chomsky.info|url=https://chomsky.info/200005__/}}</ref> In response to this, NATO intervened with an aerial bombing campaign that began on March 24, justifying it on humanitarian grounds.<ref>{{cite news|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071213105511/http://www.nytimes.com/packages/html/world/20071209_KOSOVO_FEATURE/|title=Endgame in Kosovo|___location=New York|work=The New York Times|archive-date=13 December 2007|date=9 December 2007 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/packages/html/world/20071209_KOSOVO_FEATURE/|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref> The war ended with the [[Kumanovo Agreement]], signed on 9 June 1999, with Yugoslav and Serb forces<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/363314.stm|title=BBC News &#124; Europe &#124; K-For: The task ahead |website=BBC News}}</ref> agreeing to withdraw from Kosovo to make way for an international presence. NATO forces entered Kosovo on June 12.<ref name="chrono">{{cite web|title=Kosovo war chronology|publisher=[[Human Rights Watch]] |url=https://www.hrw.org/campaigns/kosovo98/timeline.shtml}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2012/11/balkan-wars|access-date=26 February 2013|title=The Balkan wars: Reshaping the map of south-eastern Europe|newspaper=[[The Economist]]|date=2012-11-09}}</ref> The NATO bombing campaign has remained controversial.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Haines|first=Steven|date=May 2009|title=The Influence of Operation Allied Force on the Development of the jus ad bellum|volume=85 |number=3 |journal=International Affairs|pages=477–490|publisher=Oxford University Press|___location=Oxford, England|doi=10.1111/j.1468-2346.2009.00809.x|jstor=27695026|issn=1468-2346}}</ref> It did not gain the approval of the [[UN Security Council]] and it caused at least 488 Yugoslav civilian deaths,<ref name="The Civilian Deaths">{{cite web | url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/nato/Natbm200.htm#P88_14845 | title=The Civilian Deaths |publisher=Human Rights Watch |work=Civilian deaths in the NATO air campaign |date=February 2000 |access-date=3 May 2015}}</ref> including substantial deaths of Kosovar [[refugee]]s.<ref name="Case Studies of Civilian Deaths">{{cite web |title=Case Studies of Civilian Deaths |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/nato/Natbm200-01.htm#P295_79629 |publisher=Human Rights Watch |work=Civilian deaths in the NATO air campaign |date=February 2000 |access-date=3 May 2015 |archive-date=22 October 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141022190610/http://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/nato/Natbm200-01.htm#P295_79629 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="Berkeley">{{cite journal|title=NATO's Intervention in Kosovo and the Decision of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Not to Investigate|volume=24|number=2 |first=Anne-Sophie|last=Massa|year=2006 |url=http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1316&context=bjil |access-date=3 May 2015 |journal=Berkeley Journal of International Law |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150903234701/http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1316&context=bjil|archive-date=3 September 2015|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=NATO: We Mistakenly Bombed Refugees |url=https://apnews.com/9532e62d78904daa9c97983a37f40751 |website=AP News|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210414030029/https://apnews.com/article/9532e62d78904daa9c97983a37f40751 |archive-date=14 April 2021 |date=15 April 1999}}</ref>
==Origins of the conflict==
===Kosovo in Titoist Yugoslavia (1945&ndash;1986)===
[[Serbs]] and [[Albanians]] had both long regarded [[Kosovo]] as their own historical space. For Serbs, it is regarded as an integral part of their collective heritage (see [[Battle of Kosovo]] in [[1389]] which, while considered to be a stalemate, eventually led to the defeat of the Serbian kingdom at the hands of the invading [[Ottomans]]). For Albanians, it is regarded as the birthplace of their claimed ancestors, the [[Illyrians]], and as one of the hotbeds of Albanian culture and nationalism.
 
In 2001, a UN administered Supreme Court based in Kosovo found that there had been a systematic campaign of terror, including murders, rapes, arsons and severe maltreatments against the Albanian population, and that Yugoslav troops had tried to force them out of Kosovo, but not to eradicate them and therefore it was not [[genocide]].<ref>{{cite news |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/1530781.stm|title=Kosovo assault 'was not genocide' |date=7 September 2011|access-date=19 May 2013}}</ref> After the war, a list was compiled which documented that over 13,500 people were killed or went missing during the two year conflict.<ref>{{cite web|title=List of Kosovo War Victims Published|date=10 December 2014 |url=https://balkaninsight.com/2014/12/10/kosovo-war-victims-list-published/}}</ref> The Yugoslav and Serb forces caused the displacement of between 1.2 million<ref name="Krieger p90">{{harvnb|Krieger|2001|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=-OhPTJn8ZWoC&pg=PA90 90]}}</ref> and 1.45 million Kosovo Albanians.<ref name="OSCE 2003">{{cite web | title=Kosovo / Kosova: As Seen, As Told | publisher=[[OSCE]] | date=5 November 1999 | page=13 | url=http://www.osce.org/odihr/17772 | access-date= 27 June 2017}}</ref> After the war, around 200,000 Serbs, Romani, and other non-Albanians fled Kosovo and many of the remaining civilians were victims of abuse.<ref name=Abrahams>{{harvnb|Abrahams|2001|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=1n8DrZg2rb8C&pg=PA454 454–456]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.b92.net/eng/news/society.php?yyyy=2011&mm=06&dd=20&nav_id=75016 |title=Serbia home to highest number of refugees and IDPs in Europe|date=20 June 2010|publisher=[[B92]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.osce.org/serbia/24323?download=true|title=Serbia: Europe's largest proctracted refugee situation|date=2008 |publisher=[[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe|OSCE]]}}</ref>
Tensions between the two communities had been simmering throughout the 20th century and had occasionally erupted into major violence, particularly during the [[First Balkan War]], [[World War I]] and [[World War II]]. The [[Communist]] government of [[Josip Broz Tito]] systematically repressed nationalist manifestations throughout Yugoslavia, seeking to ensure that no Yugoslav republic or nationality gained dominance over the others. In particular, the power of Serbia &mdash; the largest and most populous republic &mdash; was diluted by the establishment of autonomous governments in the province of [[Vojvodina]] in the north of Serbia and [[Kosovo]] in the south. Kosovo's borders did not precisely match the areas of ethnic Albanian settlement in Yugoslavia (significant numbers of Albanians were left in the [[Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia|Republic of Macedonia]], [[Albanians in Montenegro|Montenegro]], and [[Albanians in the Republic of Serbia|Serbia]], while the far north of Kosovo remained largely ethnic Serbian). Nonetheless, the majority of its inhabitants following 1945 were Albanians.
{{History of Kosovo}}
Kosovo's formal autonomy, established under the 1945 Yugoslav constitution, initially meant relatively little in practice. Tito's [[secret police]] cracked down hard on nationalists. In 1956, a number of Albanians were put on trial in Kosovo on charges of espionage and subversion. The threat of separatism was in fact minimal, as the few underground groups aiming for union with [[Albania]] were politically insignificant. Their long-term impact was substantial, though, as some &mdash; particularly the Revolutionary Movement for Albanian Unity, founded by [[Adem Demaci]] &mdash; were much later to form the political core of the [[Kosovo Liberation Party]]. Demaci himself was imprisoned in 1964 along with many of his followers.
 
The Kosovo Liberation Army disbanded soon after the end of the war, with some of its members going on to fight for the [[Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac|UÇPMB]] in the [[Preševo Valley]]<ref name="Kosovo one year on">{{cite news|title=Kosovo one year on|date=16 March 2000|work=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/676196.stm|access-date=4 April 2010}}</ref> and others joining the [[National Liberation Army (Albanians of Macedonia)|National Liberation Army]] (NLA) and [[Albanian National Army]] (ANA) during [[2001 insurgency in Macedonia|the armed ethnic conflict in Macedonia]],<ref>{{cite news|first=Justin|last=Huggler|date=12 March 2001|title=KLA veterans linked to latest bout of violence in Macedonia |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/kla-veterans-linked-to-latest--bout-of-violence-in-macedonia-686995.html|access-date=4 April 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141029043407/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/kla-veterans-linked-to-latest--bout-of-violence-in-macedonia-686995.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=29 October 2014 |work=The Independent|___location=London}}</ref> while others went on to form the [[Kosovo Police]].<ref name="ReferenceA">''Kosovo Liberation Army: the inside story of an insurgency'', by Henry H. Perritt {{page needed|date=November 2011}}</ref>
Yugoslavia underwent a period of economic and political crisis in 1968, as a massive government program of economic reform widened the gap between the rich north and poor south of the country. Student demonstrations and riots in [[Belgrade]] in June 1968 spread to Kosovo in November the same year, but were put down by the Yugoslav security forces. However, some of the students' demands &mdash; particularly for real representative powers for Albanians on both Serbian and Yugoslav state bodies, and better recognition of the [[Albanian language]] &mdash; were conceded by Tito. [[University of Prishtina]] was established as an independent institution in 1970, ending a long period when the institution had been run as an outpost of [[Belgrade University]]. The Albanianisation of education in Kosovo was hampered by the lack of Albanian-language educational materials in Yugoslavia, so an agreement was struck with Albania itself to supply textbooks.
 
The [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) convicted six Serb/Yugoslav officials and one Albanian commander for war crimes.
In 1974, Kosovo's political status was improved still further when a new Yugoslav constitution granted an expanded set of political rights. Along with Vojvodina, it gained many of the powers of a fully-fledged republic: a seat on the federal presidency and its own assembly, police force and national bank. Power was still exercised by the Communist Party, but it was now devolved mainly to ethnic Albanian communists.
 
==Background==
Tito's death on [[May 4]], [[1980]] ushered in a long period of political instability, worsened by growing economic crisis and nationalist unrest. The first major outbreak occurred in Kosovo's main city, [[Pristina]], in March 1981 when Albanian students rioted over poor food in their university canteen. This seemingly trivial dispute rapidly spread throughout Kosovo and took on the character of a national revolt, with massive popular demonstrations in many Kosovo towns. The protesters demanded that Kosovo should become the seventh republic of Yugoslavia. However, this was politically unacceptable to Serbia and the [[Republic of Macedonia]]. Some Serbs (and possibly some Albanian nationalists as well) saw the demands as being a prelude to a "[[Greater Albania]]" which could encompass parts of Montenegro, Macedonia and Kosovo itself. The Communist Yugoslav presidency quelled the disturbances by sending in riot police and the army and proclaiming a state of emergency, although it did not repeal the province's autonomy as some Serbian Communists demanded. The Yugoslav press reported that about 11 people had been killed (although others claimed a death toll as high as 1,000) and another 4,200 were imprisoned.
The modern Albanian-Serbian conflict has its roots in the [[expulsion of the Albanians 1877–1878|expulsion of Albanians in 1877–1878]] from areas that were incorporated into the [[Principality of Serbia]].<ref>{{cite journal|last=Frantz|first=Eva Anne|title=Violence and its Impact on Loyalty and Identity Formation in Late Ottoman Kosovo: Muslims and Christians in a Period of Reform and Transformation|journal=Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs|volume=29|issue=4|year=2009|pages=460–461|doi=10.1080/13602000903411366|s2cid=143499467}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Müller|first=Dietmar|title=Orientalism and Nation: Jews and Muslims as Alterity in Southeastern Europe in the Age of Nation-States, 1878–1941|journal=East Central Europe|volume=36|issue=1|year=2009|page=70|doi=10.1163/187633009x411485}}</ref> Muslim Albanians residing in the [[Sanjak of Niš]] were quickly expelled after Ottomans had lost control of the region. Modern estimates put the number of expelled Albanians to 50,000–130,000 Albanian refugees.{{sfn|Elsie|2010|p=XXXII}}<ref>{{cite journal|last=Pllana|first=Emin|title=Les raisons de la manière de l'exode des refugies albanais du territoire du sandjak de Nish a Kosove (1878–1878) The reasons for the manner of the exodus of Albanian refugees from the territory of the Sanjak of Nish to Kosovo (1878–1878)|journal=Studia Albanica|volume=1|year=1985|pages=189–190}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Rizaj|first=Skënder|title=Nënte Dokumente angleze mbi Lidhjen Shqiptare të Prizrenit (1878–1880) [Nine English documents about the League of Prizren (1878–1880)] |journal=Gjurmine Albanologjike (Seria e Shkencave Historike)|volume=10|year=1981|page=198}}</ref>{{sfn|Malcolm|1998|pp=228-229}} As a result, some Albanian refugees who settled in Kosovo retaliated by attacking the local Serb population.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Stefanović |first=Djordje |year=2005 |title=Seeing the Albanians through Serbian eyes: The Inventors of the Tradition of Intolerance and their Critics, 1804–1939 |url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0265691405054219 |quote=In 1878, following a series of Christian uprisings against the Ottoman Empire, the Russo-Turkish War, and the Berlin Congress, Serbia gained complete independence, as well as new territories in the Toplica and Kosanica regions adjacent to Kosovo. These two regions had a sizable Albanian population which the Serbian government decided to deport.. The ‘cleansing’ of Toplica and Kosanica would have long-term negative effects on Serbian-Albanian relations. The Albanians expelled from these regions moved over the new border to Kosovo, where the Ottoman authorities forced the Serb population out of the border region and settled the refugees there.. A number of Albanian refugees from Toplica region, radicalized by their experience, engaged in retaliatory violence against the Serbian minority in Kosovo... |journal=European History Quarterly |volume=35 |issue=3 |pages=469–470|doi=10.1177/0265691405054219 |s2cid=144497487 |hdl-access=free |hdl=2440/124622|url-access=subscription }}</ref> From 1830 to 1876, there had also been a [[Expulsion of the Albanians, 1830–1876|forced migration of up to 150,000 Albanians]] from the Principality.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Brestovci |first=Sadulla |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6nQKAQAAIAAJ |title=Marrëdhëniet shqiptare--serbo-malazeze (1830-1878) |date=1983 |language=sq}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Rama |first1=Shinasi |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oJaDDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA72 |title=Nation Failure, Ethnic Elites, and Balance of Power: The International Administration of Kosova |date=2019 |publisher=Springer |isbn=978-3030051921 |pages=72–73 |ref=Rama |access-date=27 March 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Alpion |first=Gëzim |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sylOEAAAQBAJ |title=Mother Teresa: The Saint and Her Nation |publisher=Bloomsbury |year=2021 |isbn=978-9389812466 |pages=18}}</ref> The conflict became more intense at the end of the 19th century, and in 1901 there were [[1901 massacres of Serbs|massacres of Serbs]] using weapons not handed back to the Ottomans following the [[Greco-Turkish War (1897)|Greco-Turkish War of 1897]].<ref>{{cite book|last=Skendi|first=Stavro |title=The Albanian National Awakening|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8QPWCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA293|page=293|year=2015|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-1-4008-4776-1}}</ref>
 
Tensions between the Serbian and Albanian communities in Kosovo simmered throughout the 20th century and occasionally erupted into major violence, particularly during the [[First Balkan War]] (1912–1913), [[World War I]] (1914–1918), and [[World War II]] (1939–1945).<ref name="Steiner">{{Cite book|last=Steiner|first=Zara|title=The lights that failed : European international history, 1919–1933|date=2005|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-151881-2|___location=Oxford|oclc=86068902}}</ref> The [[Albanian revolt of 1912]] in Kosovo resulted in the Ottoman Empire agreeing to the creation of an [[Albanian Vilayet|Albanian quasi-state]] but Ottoman forces were soon driven out by opportunistic Bulgarian, Serbian and Montenegrin troops.<ref name="Vance & Paik">{{cite book |last1=Vance |first1=Charles |last2=Paik |first2=Yongsun |title=Managing a Global Workforce: Challenges and Opportunities in International Human Resource Management |date=2006 |publisher=M.E. Sharpe |isbn=978-0765620163 |pages=448–449 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9gGKtLTQlUcC&dq=albanian+state+1912&pg=PA449}}</ref> In the ensuing [[Balkan Wars]], at least 50,000 Albanians were [[Massacres of Albanians in the Balkan Wars|massacred]] in the present-day territory of Kosovo by the [[Royal Serbian Army|Serbian regular army]] and irregular [[Komitadji]]s with the intention of manipulating population statistics before the borders of [[Independent Albania|Albania]] were recognized during the [[London Conference of 1912–1913]], after the latter proposed the drawing of the borders of Albania based on ethnic statistics.<ref name=":FoLBelgrade2000">{{cite book |title=Aggression Against Yugoslavia Correspondence |date=2000 |publisher=Faculty of Law, University of Belgrade |isbn=978-86-80763-91-0 |page=42 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cEEmAQAAIAAJ&q=freundlich |access-date=29 April 2020 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Elsie |first1=Robert |last2=Destani |first2=Bejtullah |title=Kosovo: A Documentary History from the Balkan Wars to World War II |editor-last=Elsie |editor-first=Robert |editor2-last=Destani |editor2-first=Bejtullah |___location=New York |publisher=I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd |year=2018 |page=134 |isbn=978-1-78831-176-2 }}</ref> Multiple historians, scholars, and contemporary accounts refer to or characterize the massacres as: localized [[genocide]], extermination, genocide of Albanians or part of the wider genocide against Muslims.<ref>{{cite book|last=Levene|first=Mark|title=The Crisis of Genocide. Volume I: Devastation: The European Rimlands 1912–1938|year=2013|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-968303-1|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RRgbAgAAQBAJ&q=Luma+genocide&pg=PA107|pages=107}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Qirezi |first=Arben |title=Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences |publisher=University of Pittsburgh Press |year=2017 |isbn=978-0-8229-8157-2 |editor1-last=Mehmeti |editor1-first=Leandrit I. |pages= |chapter=Settling the self-determination dispute in Kosovo |quote="In 1912 and in 1913, Serbia conquered Kosovo through genocide and forced expulsion.." |editor2-last=Radeljić |editor2-first=Branislav |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IWMqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT74}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Freundlich |first=Leo |date=1 January 1998 |title=Albania's Golgotha: indictments of the exterminators of the Albanian people |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IHgtAQAAIAAJ&q=%22Albanian%20genocide%22 |access-date=6 September 2016 |publisher=Juka Pub. Co. |page=xiv}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Tatum |first1=Dale C. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nWsbAQAAMAAJ&q=massacred |title=Genocide at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century: Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Darfur |date=2010 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-0-230-62189-3 |page=113 |language=en |quote="In October 1912, Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Greece launched an attack to dismember the decaying Ottoman Empire. This war was notable for its brutality. Acts of genocide and mayhem were committed during the war. Civilians were massacred and people’s lips and noses were severed. Thus, the relationship between Serbs and Kosovar Albanians began to spiral downward. From this battle, the Serbs gained control of Kosovo, their 'mythic land' of origin." |access-date=3 January 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Csaplár-Degovics |first=Krisztián |url=http://real.mtak.hu/36245/1/Csaplar%20Beitrag_Real.pdf |title=Die Internationale Kontrollkommission Albaniens und die albanischen Machtzentren (1913–1914): Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatsbildung Albaniens |pages=41 |language=de |quote="One of the unexpected experiences of the Balkan Wars 1912-1913 was that the members of the Balkan League committed genocides and other kinds of mass violence against other Nationalities and the Muslim population of the peninsula. Among other things the Albanian state-building project of the Great Powers aimed to prevent further genocide and other acts of violence against the Albanian population and other refugees from Macedonia and to put an end to the anarchy of the country."}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=That was Yugoslavia |date=1991 |publisher=Ost-Dienst |page=3, 53 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ofu4AAAAIAAJ}}</ref>
Kosovo's Communist Party also suffered purges, with several key figures (including its president) expelled. Hardliners instituted a fierce crackdown on nationalism of all kinds, Albanian and Serbian alike. Kosovo endured a heavy secret police presence throughout most of the 1980s that ruthlessly suppressed any unauthorised nationalist manifestations, both Albanian and Serbian. According to a report quoted by [[Mark Thompson]], as many as 580,000 inhabitants of Kosovo were arrested, interrogated, interned or reprimanded. Thousands of these lost their jobs or were expelled from their educational establishments.
 
After World War I Kosovo was incorporated into the Serb-dominated [[Kingdom of Yugoslavia]] despite the Albanian community's demands for union with Albania.<ref name="Steiner" /> Albanian rebels started the [[Drenica-Dukagjin Uprisings]], which ended with the rebellion being crushed after the fall of the government of [[Fan Noli]] in Albania in December 1924 and the subsequent withdrawal of support for the [[Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo]] by [[Zog I of Albania|President Zog]]. Between 1918 and 1939, Yugoslavia expelled hundreds of thousands of Albanians and promoted the settlement of [[Yugoslav colonisation of Kosovo|mostly Serb colonists]] in the region, while Albanian language schools were prohibited.<ref name="Ramet198">{{cite book|last=Ramet|first=Sabrina P.|title=Social currents in Eastern Europe: The sources and consequences of the great transformation|year=1995|publisher=Duke University Press|isbn=978-0822315483|url=https://archive.org/details/socialcurrentsin01rame|page=[https://archive.org/details/socialcurrentsin01rame/page/n217 198]}}</ref> After the [[Axis invasion of Yugoslavia]] in 1941, most of Kosovo was assigned to Italian-controlled Albania, with the rest being controlled by Germany and Bulgaria. During the occupation, Albanian collaborators persecuted Serb and Montenegrin settlers,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bieber |first1=Florian |last2=Daskalovski |first2=Zidas |title=Understanding the War in Kosovo |date=2004 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-13576-155-4 |page=58 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6OiQAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA58}}</ref> with thousands killed and between 70,000 and 100,000 [[Kosovo during World War II|expelled from Kosovo]] or sent to [[concentration camps]] in order to [[Albanisation|Albanianize]] the province.<ref name="Ramet2006">{{cite book |last1=Ramet |first1=Sabrina P. |title=The Three Yugoslavias: State-building and Legitimation, 1918–2005 |date=2006 |publisher=Indiana University Press |isbn=978-0-25334-656-8 |pages=114, 141 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FTw3lEqi2-oC&pg=PA114}}</ref>{{sfn|Malcolm|1998|p=312}} The return of the expelled colonists was made next to impossible by a decree from Yugoslav leader [[Josip Broz Tito]], followed by a new law in August 1945, which disallowed the return of colonists who had taken land from Albanian peasants.{{sfn|Malcolm|1998|p=317-318}}
During this time, tension between the Albanian and Serbian communities continued to escalate. In 1969, the Serbian [[Orthodox Church]] had ordered its clergy to compile data on the ongoing problems of Serbs in Kosovo, seeking to pressure the government in Belgrade to do more to protect the Serbian faithful. In February 1982, a group of priests from Serbia proper petitioned their bishops to ask "why the Serbian Church is silent" and why it did not campaign against "the destruction, arson and sacrilege of the holy shrines of Kosovo". Such concerns did attract interest in Belgrade. Stories appeared from time to time in the Belgrade media claiming that Serbs and Montenegrins were being persecuted, although few appear to have been reliably substantiated. Nonetheless, there was a genuine perception among Serbian nationalists in particular that Serbs were being driven out of Kosovo.
 
===Kosovo in Tito's Yugoslavia (1945–1980)===
Yugoslavia's census returns suggested that there was not in fact a great Serbian exodus from Kosovo. It was certainly true that many Serbs and Montenegrins had been expelled from Kosovo during [[World War II]], but between the 1940s and 1990s their numbers had remained relatively constant at somewhere between 200,000 and 260,000. Their proportion of the population, however, changed significantly. It stood at 27.5% in 1948, 13.9% in 1981 and 10.9% in 1991, according to the census results. A major factor in this was the extremely high Albanian birthrate. The population of Kosovo thus grew overall, but most of the increase was accounted for by Albanians, not Serbs.
The end of [[World War II]] saw Kosovo returning to Yugoslav control. The new [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|socialist government]] under [[Josip Broz Tito]] systematically suppressed [[nationalism]] among the ethnic groups throughout Yugoslavia, and established six republics ([[Socialist Republic of Slovenia|Slovenia]], [[Socialist Republic of Croatia|Croatia]], [[Socialist Republic of Serbia|Serbia]], [[Socialist Republic of Montenegro|Montenegro]], [[Socialist Republic of Macedonia|Macedonia]] and [[Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia-Herzegovina]]) as constituent parts of the Yugoslav federation.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Schrader |first1=Charles R. |title=The Muslim-Croat Civil War in Bosnia: A Military History, 1992–1994 |date=2003 |publisher=Texas A&M University Press |isbn=978-1-60344-719-5 |page=11 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OTQs4zif-qYC&pg=PA11}}</ref> Tito diluted the power of [[Socialist Republic of Serbia|Serbia]]{{snd}}the largest and most populous republic{{snd}}by establishing autonomous governments in the Serbian province of [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina|Vojvodina]] in the north and [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo|Kosovo]] in the south.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Tucker |first1=Spencer C. |title=The Roots and Consequences of 20th-Century Warfare: Conflicts that Shaped the Modern World |date=2016 |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-1-61069-802-3 |page=506 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3nEDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA506}}</ref> Until 1963, the region was named the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija and in 1968 it was renamed to the [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo]].<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Bădescu |editor1-first=Gruia |editor2-last=Baillie |editor2-first=Britt |editor3-last=Mazzucchelli |editor3-first=Francesco |title=Transforming Heritage in the Former Yugoslavia: Synchronous Pasts |date=2021 |publisher=Springer |isbn=978-3-03076-401-2 |page=249 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kSc9EAAAQBAJ&pg=PA249}}</ref>
 
The period of 1948–1963 in Kosovo was characterized by a brutal crackdown against Albanian nationalists by [[Aleksandar Ranković]] and his [[Directorate for State Security (Yugoslavia)|secret police (the UDBA)]].<ref name="Ingrao & Emmert">{{cite book |editor1-last=Ingrao |editor1-first=Charles W. |editor2-last=Emmert |editor2-first=Thomas Allan |title=Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative |date=2013 |publisher=Purdue University Press |isbn=978-1-55753-617-4 |pages=55–56 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IDMhDgCJCe0C&pg=PA55}}</ref> In 1955, a [[state of emergency]] was declared in order to quell unrest that had purportedly been instigated by terror groups from Albania.<ref name="Tombs & Smith">{{cite book |editor1-last=Tombs |editor1-first=Isabelle |editor2-last=Smith |editor2-first=Richard |title=The Polish Crisis and Relations with Eastern Europe, 1979–1982: Documents on British Policy Overseas, Series III, Volume X |date=2017 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-1-35176-912-9 |page=144 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OkYlDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA144}}</ref> Following Ranković's ouster in 1966, Tito and his League of Communists Party granted more powers to republics and attempted to improve the political, social and economic situation in Kosovo.<ref name="Tombs & Smith" /> In November 1968, large-scale demonstrations took place in Kosovo which were quelled by Yugoslav forces, precipitated by Albanian demands for separate republics in Kosovo and Macedonia.<ref name="Tombs & Smith" /> Albanian students and intellectuals pushed for an Albanian-language university and greater representative powers for Albanians in both the Serbian and Yugoslav state bodies.<ref name="Ingrao & Emmert" />
An additional factor was the worsening state of Kosovo's economy, which made the province a poor choice for Serbs seeking work. Albanians, as well as Serbs tended to favour their compatriots when filling jobs, but there were not many jobs to go round. Kosovo was the poorest part of Yugoslavia: in 1979 the average [[per capita income]] was $795, compared with the national average of $2,635 (and $5,315 in Slovenia).
 
The [[University of Pristina (1969–1999)|University of Pristina]] was established as an independent institution in 1970, ending a long period when the institution had been run as an outpost of [[University of Belgrade]]. The lack of Albanian-language educational materials in Yugoslavia hampered Albanian education in Kosovo, so an agreement was struck with [[People's Socialist Republic of Albania|Albania]] itself to supply textbooks.
===Kosovo and the rise of Slobodan Milošević (1986&ndash;1990)===
In Kosovo growing Albanian nationalism and separatism in response to persecution led to growing ethnic tensions between Serbs and Albanians. An increasingly poisonous atmosphere led to wild rumours being traded and otherwise trivial incidents being blown out of proportion.
 
In 1969 the [[Serbian Orthodox Church]] ordered its [[clergy]] to compile data on the ongoing problems of [[Kosovo Serbs|Serbs in Kosovo]], seeking to pressure the government in [[Belgrade]] to do more to protect the interests of Serbs there.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Kosovo-conflict|title=Kosovo conflict &#124; Summary & Facts|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|date=8 June 2023 }}</ref>
It was against this tense background that sixteen prominent members of the [[Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts]] (SANU, from its Serbian initials) began work in June 1985 on a draft document that was leaked to the public in September 1986. The ''[[Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts|SANU]] Memorandum'', as it has become known, was hugely controversial. It focused on the political difficulties facing Serbs in Yugoslavia, pointing to Tito's deliberate hobbling of Serbia's power and the difficulties faced by Serbs outside Serbia proper.
 
In 1974 Kosovo's political status improved further when a new [[1974 Yugoslav Constitution|Yugoslav constitution]] granted an expanded set of [[political rights]]. Along with [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina|Vojvodina]], Kosovo was [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo|declared a province]] and gained many of the powers of a fully-fledged republic: a seat on the [[Presidency of Yugoslavia|federal presidency]] and its own assembly, police force and national bank.{{sfn|Judah|2002|p=38}}<ref>{{cite news|title=Constitutional history of Kosovo|url=http://constitutionnet.org/country/constitutional-history-kosovo|access-date=2020-08-07 |website=ConstitutionNet}}</ref> While trying to balance the interests of Albanians and Serbs, this effectively stratified both communities and prompted Serb fears of Kosovo seceding from Yugoslavia.<ref name="Ingrao & Emmert" /><ref name="Bellamy">{{cite book |last1=Bellamy |first1=Alex J. |title=Kosovo and International Society |date=2002 |publisher=Springer |isbn=978-0-23059-760-0 |pages=4–7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=avxZCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA4}}</ref> Student demonstrations continued throughout the 1970s, resulting in the imprisonment of many members of the Albanian National Liberation Movement, including [[Adem Demaçi]].<ref name="Tombs & Smith" /><ref name="Bellamy" /> The political and administrative changes that began in 1968 resulted in Kosovo Albanians securing complete control over the province's political, social and cultural issues as well as growing ties between Kosovo and Albania. However, by 1980, economic impoverishment would become the catalyst for further unrest.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Guzina |first1=Dejan |editor1-last=Bieber |editor1-first=Florian |editor2-last=Daskalovski |editor2-first=Zidas |title=Understanding the War in Kosovo |date=2004 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-13576-155-4 |pages=31–33 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6OiQAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA31 |chapter=Kosovo or Kosova{{snd}}Could It Be Both? The Case of Interlocking Serbian and Albanian Nationalisms}}</ref>
The Memorandum[http://www.elsie.de/pdf/B2002GatheringClouds.pdf] (PDF) paid special attention to Kosovo, arguing, in obvious error, that the province's Serbs were being subjected to "physical, political, legal and cultural genocide" in an "open and total war" that had been ongoing since the spring of 1981. It claimed that Kosovo's status in 1986 was a worse historical defeat for the Serbs than any event since liberation from the Ottomans in 1804, thus ranking it above such catastrophes as the Nazi occupation or the First World War occupation of Serbia by the [[Austria-Hungary|Austro-Hungarians]]. The Memorandum's authors claimed that 200,000 Serbs had moved out of the province over the previous twenty years and warned that there would soon be none left "unless things change radically." The remedy, according to the Memorandum, was for "genuine security and unambiguous equality for all peoples living in Kosovo and Metohija [to be] established" and "objective and permanent conditions for the return of the expelled [Serbian] nation [to be] created." It concluded that "Serbia must not be passive and wait and see what the others will say, as it has done so often in the past."
 
===After the death of Tito (1980–1989)===
The SANU Memorandum met with many different reactions. The Albanians saw it as a call for Serbian supremacism at a local level. Other Yugoslav nationalities &mdash; notably the Slovenes and Croats &mdash; saw a threat in the call for a more assertive Serbia. Serbs themselves were divided: many welcomed it, while the Communist old guard strongly attacked its message. One of those who denounced it was a Serbian Communist Party official named [[Slobodan Milošević]].
Provincial power was still exercised by the [[League of Communists of Kosovo]], but now devolved mainly to ethnic Albanian communists. Tito's death on 4 May 1980 ushered in a long period of political instability, worsened by growing economic crisis and nationalist unrest. The first major outbreak occurred in Kosovo's main city, [[Pristina]], when a protest of University of Pristina students over long queues in their university canteen rapidly escalated and in late March and early April 1981 spread throughout Kosovo, causing mass demonstrations in several towns, the [[1981 protests in Kosovo]]. The disturbances were quelled by the [[Presidency of Yugoslavia]] proclaiming a [[state of emergency]], sending in riot police and the army, which resulted in numerous casualties.
 
[[File:2 April 1981 memorial, Pristina.JPG|thumb|[[Memorial plaque]] in [[Pristina]], dedicated to two protesters who were killed in the [[1981 protests in Kosovo|1981 protests]], demanding more [[Autonomous administrative division|autonomy]] for Kosovo]]
In November 1988, Kosovo's head of the provincial committee was arrested. In March 1989, Milošević announced an "anti-bureaucratic revolution" in Kosovo and Vojvodina, curtailing their autonomy and imposing a curfew and a state of emergency in Kosovo due to violent demonstrations, resulting in 24 deaths (including two policemen). Milošević and his government claimed that the constitutional changes were necessary to allegedly protect Kosovo's remaining Serbs against harassment from the Albanian majority.
 
In 1981 it was reported that some 4,000 Serbs moved from Kosovo to [[central Serbia]] after the Kosovo Albanian riots in March that resulted in several Serb deaths and the [[Destruction of Serbian heritage in Kosovo|desecration of Serbian Orthodox architecture and graveyards]].<ref>The Associated Press – 17 October 1981 "Minorities Leaving Yugoslav Province Dominated by Albanians"</ref> Serbia reacted with a plan to reduce the power of Albanians in the province and a propaganda campaign that claimed Serbs were being pushed out of the province primarily by the growing Albanian population, rather than the bad state of the economy.<ref name="Ramet2010">{{cite book|last=Ramet|first=Sabrina P.|title=Central and Southeast European Politics Since 1989|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oFXdiS25N78C&pg=PA361|access-date=9 March 2012|year=2010|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-71616-1|page=361}}</ref> 33 nationalist formations were dismantled by [[Militia (Yugoslavia)|Yugoslav police]], who sentenced some 280 people (800 fined, 100 under investigation) and seized arms caches and propaganda material.<ref>''Financial Times'' (London) 5 February 1982 – "Police fail to crush resistance in Kosovo"</ref> Albanian leaders of Kosovo maintained that Serbs were leaving mainly because of the poor economy. The worsening state of Kosovo's economy made the province a poor choice for Serbs seeking work. Albanians, as well as Serbs, tended to favor their compatriots when hiring new employees, but the number of jobs was too few for the population. Kosovo was the poorest entity of Yugoslavia: the average per capita income was $795, compared with the national average of $2,635. Due to its comparative poverty it received substantial amounts of Yugoslav development money, leading to quarrels amongst the republics regarding its quantity and utilization.{{sfn|Judah|2002|p=46}}
===Kosovo under Serbian rule (1990&ndash;1996)===
Milošević took the process of retrenchment a stage further in 1990 when he abolished the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina. Crucially, though, votes on the Presidency, four when Montenegro (which was closely allied to Serbia) was counted. [[Slovenia]], [[Croatia]], [[Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia]] and [[Republic of Macedonia|Macedonia]] thus had to maintain an uneasy alliance to prevent Milošević from driving through constitutional changes. Serbia's political changes were ratified in a [[5 July]], [[1990]] [[referendum]] across the entire republic of Serbia, including Kosovo; although most Albanians voted against it, the result was a foregone conclusion given the much greater population of Serbia proper.
 
In February 1982 a group of priests from Serbia proper petitioned their bishops to ask "why the Serbian Church is silent" and why it did not campaign against "the destruction, arson and sacrilege of the holy shrines of Kosovo".{{sfn|Judah|2002|p=43}} In 1985, two Albanian farmers were falsely accused for the [[Đorđe Martinović incident]], which turned into a ''[[cause célèbre]]'' in [[politics of Serbia|Serbian politics]] and fueled hatred towards Albanians. In 1987, Aziz Kelmendi, an ethnic-Albanian recruit in the [[Yugoslav People's Army|Yugoslav Army]] (JNA) killed four fellow soldiers in a [[Paraćin massacre|mass shooting in JNA barracks]], with only one of them being an ethnic Serb.<ref name=NYDB>''[[The New York Times]]'', 1 November 1987, Late City Final Edition (p. 14) "[https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/01/world/in-yugoslavia-rising-ethnic-strife-brings-fears-of-worse-civil-conflict.html In Yugoslavia, Rising Ethnic Strife Brings Fears of Worse Civil Conflict] By David Binder</ref> [[Serbian media]] blamed Albanian nationalism for the event and in response, Yugoslavia sent 400 federal police officers to Kosovo.{{sfn|Meier|1999|p=400}} It was against this tense background that the [[Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts]] (SANU) conducted a survey of Serbs who had left Kosovo in 1985 and 1986, which concluded that a considerable number had left under pressure from Albanians.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.snd-us.com/history/Petrovic-Blagojevic/index.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20010523033457/http://www.snd-us.com/history/Petrovic-Blagojevic/index.htm |url-status=dead |archive-date=2001-05-23 |title=The Migration of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo and Metohija |year=2000 |publisher=Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts |author1=Ruza Petrovic |author2=[[Marina Blagojevic]] }}</ref>
The impact on Kosovo was drastic. The abolition of its constitutional powers was accompanied by the abolition of its political institutions, with its assembly and government being formally disbanded. As most of Kosovo's industry was state-owned, the changes brought a wholesale change of corporate cadres. Technically, few were sacked outright: their companies required them to sign loyalty pledges, which most Albanians would not sign, although a few did and remained employed in Serbian state companies right up to 1999. Most state-employed Albanians were thus replaced by Serbs, with an estimated 115,000 Albanians losing their jobs.
 
[[File:Economy Yugoslavia 1975.png|thumb|left|[[SAP Kosovo]] was the poorest entity of [[SFR Yugoslavia]]. The deteriorating economic situation became a catalyst for increased inter-ethnic tensions in the 1980s.]]
Albanian cultural autonomy was also drastically reduced. The only Albanian-language newspaper, ''Rilindja'', was banned and TV and radio broadcasts in Albanian ceased. Albanian was no longer an official language of the state. Pristina University, seen as a hotbed of Albanian nationalism, was purged: 800 lecturers at Pristina University were sacked and 22,500 of the 23,000 students expelled. Some 40,000 Serbian troops and police replaced the original Albanian-run security forces. A punitive regime was imposed that was harshly condemned as a "[[police state]]". Poverty and unemployment reached catastrophic levels, with about 80% of Kosovo's population becoming unemployed. As many as a third of adult male Albanians chose to go abroad (particularly to [[Germany]]) to find work.
 
The so-called [[SANU Memorandum]], leaked in September 1986, was a draft document that focused on the political difficulties facing Serbs in Yugoslavia, pointing to Tito's deliberate hobbling of Serbia's power and the difficulties faced by Serbs outside [[Serbia proper]]. It paid special attention to Kosovo, arguing that the Kosovo Serbs were being subjected to "physical, political, legal and cultural genocide" in an "open and total war" that had been ongoing since the spring of 1981. It claimed that Kosovo's status in 1986 was a worse historical defeat for the Serbs than any event since liberation from the Ottomans in 1804, thus ranking it above such catastrophes as the World war occupations. The Memorandum's authors claimed that 200,000 Serbs had moved out of the province over the previous 20 years and warned that there would soon be none left "unless things changed radically." The remedy, according to the Memorandum, was for "genuine security and unambiguous equality for all peoples living in Kosovo and Metohija [to be] established" and "objective and permanent conditions for the return of the expelled [Serbian] nation [to be] created." It concluded that "Serbia must not be passive and wait and see what the others will say, as it has done so often in the past." The SANU Memorandum provoked split reactions: Albanians saw it as a call for Serbian supremacy at the local level, claiming the Serb emigrants had left Kosovo for economic reasons, while the Slovenes and Croats saw a threat in the call for a more assertive Serbia. Serbs were divided: many welcomed it, while the Communist old guard strongly attacked its message. One of those who denounced it was [[League of Communists of Serbia|Serbian Communist Party]] official [[Slobodan Milošević]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Dossier – On Slobodan Milosevic – International Viewpoint – online socialist magazine |url=https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1093 |access-date=2022-11-25 |website=internationalviewpoint.org}}</ref>
With Kosovo's Communist Party effectively broken up by Milošević's crackdown, the position of dominant Albanian political party passed to the [[Democratic League of Kosovo]], led by the writer [[Ibrahim Rugova]]. It responded to the abolition of Kosovo's autonomy by pursuing a policy of peaceful resistance. Rugova took the very practical line that armed resistance would be futile given Serbia's military strength and would lead only to a bloodbath in the province. He called on the Albanian populace to boycott the Yugoslav and Serbian states by not participating in any elections, by ignoring the [[military draft]] (compulsory in Yugoslavia) and most important by not paying any taxes or duties to the State. He also called for the creation of parallel Albanian schools, clinics and hospitals. In September 1991, the shadow Kosovo Assembly organized a [[referendum]] on independence for Kosovo. Despite widespread harassment and violence by Serbian security forces, the referendum achieved a reported 90% turnout and a 98% vote &mdash; nearly a million votes in all &mdash; which approved the creation of an independent "Republic of Kosovo". In May 1992, a second referendum elected Rugova as President of Kosovo. The Serbian government declared that both referendums were illegal and their results null and void.
 
[[File:Slobodan Milošević i Ivan Stambolić, 1986.jpg|thumb|[[Slobodan Milošević]] and [[Ivan Stambolić]]'s 1987 visit to Kosovo marked the beginning of Milošević's rise to the [[President of the Presidency of SR Serbia|Presidency]], after he made the remarks "No one will beat you again," to a crowd of Serb protesters.]]
===The slide to war (1996&ndash;1998)===
Rugova's policy of passive resistance succeeded in keeping Kosovo quiet during the war with [[Slovenia]], and the wars in [[Croatia]] and [[Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia]] during the early 1990s. However, this came at the cost of increasing frustration among the Albanian population of Kosovo. The status of Kosovo was not addressed by the 1995 [[Dayton Accords]] which had ended the war in Bosnia, and Rugova's pleas for a [[United Nations]] peacekeeping force for Kosovo had fallen on deaf ears. Milošević was still in place, having engineered his promotion to the presidency of the rump Yugoslavia (now consisting only of Serbia and Montenegro).
 
In April 1987, Serbian President [[Ivan Stambolić]] and [[Slobodan Milošević]] visited Kosovo with the intention of reducing tensions in the region. A Serb nationalist crowd had gathered near the hall where Milošević was supposed to deliver his speech in [[Kosovo Polje]]. The crowd tried to break through the police cordon that was providing security for the gathering, and after clashing with the police, they chanted that Albanian policemen were beating them. Informed of the situation, Milošević walked out of the building and addressed the protesters, telling them "No one will beat you again".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Jović |first1=Dejan |title=Yugoslavia: A State that Withered Away |date=2009 |publisher=Purdue University Press |isbn=9781557534958 |page=258 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Po03enYpbqsC&pg=PA258}}</ref> He further called upon the crowd to resist the Albanian pressure to leave Kosovo. This speech marked the beginning of Milošević's use of nationalism to gain power, and he was appointed [[President of the Presidency of SR Serbia|President of the Presidency of Serbia]] in May 1989.<ref name="Sell1999">{{cite journal |title=The (Un) Making of Milosevic |journal=The Wilson Quarterly |year=1999 |last=Sell |first=Louis |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=22–29 |jstor=40259921 |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/40259921 |access-date=2023-09-08 }}</ref>
Continuing Serbian repression had radicalised many Albanians, some of whom decided that only armed resistance would effect a change in the situation. On [[April 22]] [[1996]], four attacks on Serbian civilians and security personnel were carried out virtually simultaneously in several parts of Kosovo. A hitherto unknown organization calling itself the "[[Kosovo Liberation Army]]" (KLA) subsequently claimed responsibility. The nature of the KLA was at first highly mysterious. In fact it was initially a small, mainly clan-based but not very well organised group of radicalised Albanians, many of whom came from the Drenica region of western Kosovo. The KLA at this stage consisted mainly of local farmers and displaced and unemployed workers.
 
In November 1988 Kosovo's head of the provincial committee was arrested. In March 1989 Milošević announced an "[[anti-bureaucratic revolution]]" in Kosovo and Vojvodina, curtailing their autonomy as well as imposing a curfew and a state of emergency in Kosovo due to violent demonstrations, resulting in 24 deaths (including two policemen). Milošević and his government claimed that the constitutional changes were necessary to protect Kosovo's remaining Serbs against harassment from the Albanian majority.<ref name="Youth Initiative for Human Rights">{{cite book |title=A Guide to International Dialogue : Chronology of Kosovo 1974–2017 |year= 2017 |publisher=Youth Initiative for Human Rights |page=5 |url=https://www.yihr.rs/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Chronology-of-Kosovo1-1.pdf |access-date=13 September 2021}}</ref>
The situation was worsened in early 1997 after [[Albania]] collapsed into chaos following the fall of President [[Sali Berisha]]. Military stockpiles were looted with impunity by criminal gangs, with much of the hardware ending up in western Kosovo and so boosting the growing KLA arsenal.
 
===Constitutional amendments (1989–94)===
Most Albanians saw the KLA as legitimate "freedom fighters" whilst the Serbian government called them terrorists attacking police and (Serbian) civilians. Although the US envoy Robert Gelbard referred to the KLA as terrorists, he later admitted that they were never legally classified as a terrorist organisation by the US government. [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/121818.stm] [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/674056.stm] [http://www.senate.gov/~rpc/releases/1999/fr033199.htm] Shortly after making his claims that the KLA were terrorists, Robert Gelbard was removed from his poisition as special envoy to Kosovo.
 
On 17 November 1988 [[Kaqusha Jashari]] and [[Azem Vllasi]] were forced to resign from the leadership of the [[League of Communists of Kosovo]] (LCK).{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=kwR88-rsWaoC&pg=PA12 12]}}<ref>{{cite book|title=Yugoslavia: A Concise History|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|last=Benson |first=Leslie |year=2001 |isbn=978-0-333-79241-4 |page=[https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2/page/149 149] |url=https://archive.org/details/yugoslaviaconcis0000bens_i0i2|url-access=registration}}</ref><ref name="Branka1993p208">{{cite book|title=The Destruction of Yugoslavia: Tracking the Break-Up 1980–92|first=Branka|last=Magaš |year=1993|page=208|publisher=Verso |isbn=978-0-86091-593-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=d5np99Vgc0YC&pg=PA208}}</ref> In early 1989 the [[National Assembly (Serbia)|Serbian Assembly]] proposed amendments to the [[Constitution of Serbia]] that would remove the word "Socialist" from the Serbian Republic's title, establish multi-party elections, remove the independence of institutions of the autonomous provinces such as Kosovo and rename Kosovo as the [[Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija]].{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|pp=12–13}}<ref name="Europa2001p347" /> In February Kosovar Albanians demonstrated in large numbers against the proposal, emboldened by striking miners.<ref name="Branka1993p208" />{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}} Serbs in Belgrade protested against the Kosovo Albanian's separatism.<ref name="Bethlehem1997pliii">{{cite book|title=The 'Yugoslav' Crisis in International Law|last1=Bethlehem |first1=Daniel L. |last2=Weller|first2=Marc|year=1997|series=Cambridge International Documents Series|volume=5 |publisher=Cambridge University Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7SczBzxA6-IC |page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=7SczBzxA6-IC&pg=PR20 xx]|isbn=978-0-521-46304-1}}</ref> On 3 March 1989 the [[Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|Presidency of Yugoslavia]] imposed special measures assigning responsibility for public security to the federal government.{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}} On 23 March the Assembly of Kosovo voted to accept the proposed amendments although most Albanian delegates abstained.{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}} In early 1990 Kosovar Albanians held mass demonstrations against the special measures, which were lifted on 18 April 1990 and responsibility for public security was again assigned to Serbia.{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}}{{sfn|Bethlehem|Weller|1997|p=xxii}}
It is widely believed that the KLA received financial and material support from the Kosovo Albanian diaspora in Europe and elsewhere. The KLA also recieved financial aid from the Albanian mafia.[http://www.kosovo.net/judah2.html] [[Bujar Bukoshi]], shadow Prime Minister in exile (in [[Zürich]], [[Switzerland]]), created a group called [[FARK]] ([[Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosova]]) which was reported to have been disbanded and absorbed by the KLA in 1998. The response of outside powers was ambivalent: in February 1998, the [[United States]]' Special Representative to Yugoslavia, Robert Gelbard, denounced the KLA as a terrorist organization but neither the United States nor most other powers made any serious effort to stop money or weapons being channeled into Kosovo.
 
On 26 June 1990 Serbian authorities barred access to the building of the Kosovo Assembly, citing special circumstances.{{sfn|Bethlehem|Weller|1997|p=xxii}} On 2 July 1990, 114 ethnic Albanian delegates of the 180-member Kosovo Assembly gathered in front of the closed building and declared Kosovo an [[Republic of Kosova|independent republic within Yugoslavia]]. On 5 July the Serbian Assembly dissolved the Kosovo Assembly.{{sfn|Bethlehem|Weller|1997|p=xxii}}{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}} Serbia also dissolved the provincial executive council and assumed full and direct control of the province.<ref name="Ramet2006p360">{{cite book|title=The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005|last=Ramet|first=Sabrina P.|year=2006|pages=350–360|publisher=Indiana University Press |isbn=978-0-253-34656-8|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FTw3lEqi2-oC&pg=PA360}}</ref> Serbia took over management of Kosovo's principal Albanian-language media, halting Albanian-language broadcasts.<ref name="Ramet2006p360" /> On 4 September 1990 Kosovar Albanians observed a 24-hour general strike, virtually shutting down the province.<ref name="Ramet2006p360" /> On 5 August 1991, the Serbian Assembly suspended the main Albanian-language daily newspaper, ''Rilindja'',<ref name="Ramet2006p360" /><ref>{{cite book|title=Information Freedom and Censorship: World Report 1991|year=1991|page=[https://archive.org/details/informationfreed0000unse/page/346 346]|series=Article 19 International Centre on Censorship|isbn=978-0-8389-2156-2|url=https://archive.org/details/informationfreed0000unse/page/346}}</ref> declaring its journalism unconstitutional.{{sfn|Krieger|2001|p=26}}
Meanwhile, the US maintained an "outer wall of sanctions" on Yugoslavia tied to a series of issues, Kosovo being one of them. These were maintained despite the agreement at Dayton to end all sanctions. The Clinton administration claimed that Dayton bound Yugoslavia to hold discussions with Rugova over Kosovo.
 
On 7 September 1990 the Constitution of Kosovo was promulgated by Albanian members of the disbanded Assembly of Kosovo.<ref name="Trifunovska1994p237">{{cite book|title=Yugoslavia Through Documents: From its creation to its dissolution|last=Trifunovska|first=Snežana|year=1994|page=237|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers |isbn=978-0-7923-2670-0|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PvjLRzgyKKkC&pg=PA237}}</ref> Milošević responded by ordering the arrest of the deputies that participated in the meeting.<ref name="Ramet2006p360" /> The new controversial Serbian Constitution was promulgated on 28 September 1990.<ref name="Europa2001p347">{{cite book|title=A Political Chronology of Europe|author=Europa Publications Limited|year=2001|page=347|series=Political Chronologies of the World|volume=1|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-1-85743-113-1|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vv_j--ahNJwC&pg=PA347|ref={{harvid|Europa|2001}}}}</ref> In September 1991, Kosovar Albanians held an unofficial referendum in which they voted overwhelmingly for independence.{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}} On 24 May 1992 Kosovar Albanians held unofficial elections for an assembly and president of the Republic of Kosovo and elected [[Ibrahim Rugova]] as president.{{sfn|Klip|Sluiter|2001|p=13}}
The crisis was escalated in December 1997 at the Peace Implementation Council meeting in Bonn where the so-called International Community as described in the Dayton Agreement unilaterally and without any basis in the Dayton agreement, agreed to give the High Representative in Bosnia sweeping dictatorial powers, including the right to fire elected leaders. At the same time, Western diplomats insisted that Kosovo be discussed, and that Serbia and Yugoslavia be responsive to Albanian demands there. The delegations from Serbia stormed out of the meetings in protest at this undiplomatic turn of events.
 
[[File:Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo 3.jpg|thumb|left|114 delegates of the [[SAP Kosovo]] Assembly gathered in front of the closed [[Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo|Assembly building]] on July 2, 1990, and declared [[Republic of Kosova|Kosovo]] an independent Republic within Yugoslavia.]]
This was followed by the return of the Contact Group that oversaw the last phases of the Bosnian conflict and declarations from European powers demanding that Serbia solve the problem in Kosovo.
 
During this time, the [[Republic of Kosova]] started to establish parallel institutions, which were not recognized by Serbia. The presence of Serbian security structures in Kosovo increased considerably and Kosovo was put into constant curfews. Hundreds of thousands of ethnic Albanians were fired from government and state-run institutions. By 1990 most Albanian schools were closed and the Serbian government required Albanian teachers to sign loyalty oaths in order to remain employed, effectively asking them to recognize Serbia, and not [[Republic of Kosova]] as their country, which the vast majority refused to sign. By 1991 all Albanian schoolteachers and academic staff had been dismissed and a parallel education system was established by the government of the [[Republic of Kosova]], using donated private homes as classrooms. 350,000 Albanians emigrated out of the region due to economic and social pressures over the next seven years, and the Milosevic regime encouraged Serb settlement to the region.<ref name="hrwrefworld">{{cite web |title=Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo |url=https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/3c2b204a0.pdf |website=refworld.org |publisher=Human Rights Watch |pages=24–25}}</ref> [[United Nations Special Rapporteur]] [[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]] reported on 26 February 1993 that the police had intensified their repression of the Albanian population since 1990, including depriving them of their basic rights, destroying their education system, and conducting large numbers of political dismissals of civil servants.{{sfn|Krieger|2001|p=26}}
All of a sudden, KLA attacks intensified, centered around the Drenica valley area, with the compound of one Adem Jashari being a particular focal point. Days after Robert Gelbard described the KLA as a terrorist group, Serb police responded to KLA attacks in the Likosane area, and pursued some of the KLA to Cirez, out of which 30 Albanian civilians were killed and 4 Serbian policemen resulted dead[http://www.fco.gov.uk/Files/kfile/koschron.pdf] (PDF). The first serious action of the war had begun.
 
Milosevic ordered the abolishment of the Academy of Sciences in Kosovo, Albanian street names were changed to Serbian ones, Serbs were allowed to enter the [[University of Pristina (1969–1999)|University of Pristina]] and therefore received preferential treatment, and Albanians were fired from their posts or lost their homes to Serbs (130,000 between 1990 and 1995).<ref>Weymouth, Tony. The Kosovo Crisis: The Last American War in Europe?. United Kingdom: Reuters, 2001, p. 23</ref>
Despite some accusations of summary executions and killings of civilians, condemnations from Western capitals were not as voluble as they would become later, so Serb police went straight after Jashari and his followers in the village of Donje Prekaz. A massive firefight at the Jashari compound led to the deaths of 60 Albanians, of which eighteen were women and ten were children under the age of sixteen[http://hrw.org/campaigns/kosovo98/timeline.shtml]. This March 5th event caused massive condemnation out of Western capitals, including Madeleine Albright's declaration that "this crisis is not an internal affair of the FRY". The KLA had their security guarantee and all bets were off.
 
==Eruption of war==
On the 24th of March, Serbian forces surrounded the village of Gllogjan, in the Dukagjin operational zone, and attempted to do to the Haradinaj family exactly what they had done to the Jasharis; wipe them out, down to the last child[http://www.iwpr.net/?p=tri&s=f&o=235663&apc_state=henitri2005],[http://www.cdhrf.org/English/Weekly/CDHRFReprotNo-401E.pdf]. Despite their use of helicopter gunships, and a firefight that lasted until nightfall, the Serbian forces were thwarted in their attempts. Although there were deaths and severe injuries on the Albanian side, the insurgency in Gllogjan was far from stamped out. It was in fact to become one of the strongest centres of resistance in the upcoming war.
 
===The slide to war (1995–1998)===
The Serbs also presented a semblance of diplomacy, arranging talks with Ibrahim Rugova's staff, talks that Rugova and his staff refused to attend. After several failed meetings, Ratko Markovic, chairman of the Serbian delegation to the meetings, invited representatives of Kosovo minority groups to attend and maintained his invitation to the Albanians. Serbian President Milan Milutinovic showed up at one of the meetings, though Rugova did not. He and his staff insisted on talking to Yugoslav officials, not Serbian ones, and only to discuss the modalities of Kosovo independence.
{{main|Insurgency in Kosovo (1995–1998)}}
 
{{Kosovo War}}
A new Serbian government was also formed at this time, led by the Socialist Party of Serbia and the Serbian Radical Party. Ultra-nationalist Radical Party chairman [[Vojislav Seselj]] became a deputy prime minister. This increased the dissatisfaction of Western diplomats and spokespeople with Serbia's position.
 
According to an Amnesty International report in 1998, due to dismissals from the Yugoslav government it was estimated that by 1998 unemployment rate in the Kosovar Albanian population was higher than 70%.<ref name="The Kosovo Tragedy page 116">The Kosovo Tragedy: The Human Rights Dimensions, p. 116</ref> The economic apartheid imposed by Belgrade was aimed at impoverishing an already poor Kosovo Albanian population.<ref name="The Kosovo Tragedy page 116"/>
In early April, Serbia arranged for a referendum on the issue of foreign interference in Kosovo. Serbian voters decisively rejected foreign interference in this internal affair.
 
In 1996, 16,000 Serb refugees from Bosnia and Croatia were settled in Kosovo by the Milosevic government, sometimes against their will.<ref>[https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/3c2b204a0.pdf War crimes in Kosovo ] p. 25</ref>
Meanwhile, the KLA claimed much of the area in and around Decani and ran a territory centred around the village of Glodjane.
 
[[Ibrahim Rugova]], first [[Ibrahim Rugova|President of the Republic of Kosovo]] pursued a policy of passive resistance which succeeded in maintaining peace in Kosovo during the [[Yugoslav wars|earlier wars]] in [[Slovenia]], [[Croatia]] and [[Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia]] during the early 1990s. As evidenced by the emergence of the [[Kosovo Liberation Army]] (KLA), this came at the cost of increasing frustration among Kosovo's Albanian population. In the mid-1990s, Rugova pleaded for a [[United Nations peacekeeping|United Nations peacekeeping force]] for Kosovo.
So, on [[May 31]] [[1998]], Yugoslav army and the Serb Ministry of the Interior police began an operation to clear the border of the KLA. This lasted several days and led to bomb threats out of Western capitals, including a report or two claiming summary executions and killings of civilians. NATO's response to this offensive was mid-June's Operation Determined Falcon, an air show over the Yugoslav borders.
 
Continuing repression<ref name="Perritt2010">{{cite book |author=Henry H. Perritt |title=Kosovo Liberation Army: The Inside Story of an Insurgency |year= 2010 |publisher=University of Illinois Press |page=62}}</ref> convinced many Albanians that only armed resistance would change the situation. On 22 April 1996, four attacks on Serbian security personnel were carried out almost simultaneously in different parts of Kosovo. The KLA, a hitherto-unknown organisation, subsequently claimed responsibility.<ref name="RadanPavkovic2013">{{cite book |author1=Professor Peter Radan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=k-ahAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA178 |title=The Ashgate Research Companion to Secession |author2=Dr Aleksandar Pavkovic |date=28 April 2013 |publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. |isbn=978-1-4094-7652-8 |pages=178–}}</ref> The nature of the KLA was at first mysterious. It initially seemed that their only goals were to stop repression from Yugoslav authorities.{{sfn|Reveron|Murer|2006|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=OjvdsfiWwJcC&pg=PT104 68–69]}} KLA goals also included the establishment of a [[Greater Albania]], a state stretching into surrounding [[North Macedonia|Macedonia]], [[Montenegro]] and [[Preševo Valley|southern Serbia]].<ref name=DavidL>{{Cite book|title=Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and U. S. Intervention |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X5sa90AEvi0C&q=greater%20albania%20kla&pg=PR7|publisher=[[Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs]]|date=2012|page=69|isbn=978-0262305129}}</ref><ref name=ICG>{{cite journal|title=Pan-Albanianism: How big a threat to Balkan stability?|journal=International Crisis Group: Europe Report|date=25 February 2004|issue=Report No 153|page=6|url=https://www1.essex.ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/000201.pdf|access-date=4 December 2017}}</ref> In July 1998, in an interview for [[Der Spiegel]], KLA spokesman [[Jakup Krasniqi]] publicly announced that the KLA's goal was the unification of all Albanian-inhabited lands.<ref name=ICG /> [[Sulejman Selimi]], a General Commander of KLA in 1998–1999, said:<ref name=DavidL />
During this time, the Yugoslav President Milosevic made an arrangement with Boris Yeltsin of Russia to stop offensive operations and prepare for talks with the Albanians, who, through this whole crisis, refused to talk to the Serbian, but not Yugoslav side. Indeed, there was but one meeting that took place between Milosevic and Ibrahim Rugova in May; Rugova was forced to attend the meeting after police sequestered him from his house in Prishtina.
 
{{blockquote|There is ''de facto'' Albanian nation. The tragedy is that European powers after [[World War I]] decided to divide that nation between several Balkan states. We are now fighting to unify the nation, to liberate all Albanians, including those in Macedonia, Montenegro, and other parts of Serbia. We are not just a liberation army for Kosovo.}}
Meanwhile, [[Richard Holbrooke]] showed up and had his picture taken with the KLA. This confirmed to the KLA and its supporters, and to observers in general that the US was decisively backing the KLA.
 
While Rugova promised to uphold the minority rights of Serbs in Kosovo, the KLA was much less tolerant. Selimi stated that "Serbs who have blood on their hands would have to leave Kosovo".<ref name=DavidL />
Through June and into mid July, the KLA maintained its advance. KLA surrounded Pec, Djakovica, and now their capital was in the town of Malisevo north of Orahovac. They were infilitrating Suva Reka, and north to the area west of Pristina. They threatened the Belacevec coal pits and captured them in late June, threatening energy supplies in the region.
 
[[File:Kosovo-metohija-koreni-duse002.jpg|thumb|left|Serbian victims during [[Insurgency in Kosovo (1995–1998)|insurgency]]]]
The tide turned in mid-July when the KLA grabbed Orahovac. This led to a series of Serb and Yugoslav offensives that lasted to early August.
 
The crisis escalated in December 1997 at the [[Peace Implementation Council]] meeting in [[Bonn]], where the international community (as defined in the [[Dayton Agreement]]) agreed to give the [[High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina|High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina]] sweeping powers, including the right to dismiss elected leaders. At the same time, Western diplomats insisted that Kosovo be discussed and that Yugoslavia be responsive to Albanian demands there. The delegation from Yugoslavia stormed out of the meetings in protest.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1997/12/11/world/serbs-pull-out-of-talks-on-bosnia-to-protest-warning-on-kosovo.html|title=Serbs Pull Out of Talks on Bosnia to Protest Warning on Kosovo|newspaper=The New York Times|first=Alan|last=Cowell|date=1999-08-12|access-date=2008-05-31}}</ref> This was followed by the return of the [[Contact Group (Balkans)|Contact Group]] that oversaw the last phases of the Bosnian conflict and declarations from European powers demanding that Yugoslavia solve the problem in Kosovo.
These offensives led to talk of a new Srebrenica Massacre possibly taking place. During the late August offensive, there were reports of men separated from a group of prisoners in central Kosovo. During the early September offensive, a column of displaced people in the Pec region became the object of concern.
Finally, in September, a determined effort was made to clear the KLA out of the northern and central parts of Kosovo and out of the Drenica valley itself. During this time many threats were made in Western capitals but these were tempered somewhat by the elections in Bosnia, as they didn't want Serbian Democrats and Radicals to win. Following the elections, however, the threats intensified once again but a galvanising event was needed. They got it on September 28th when the mutilated corpses of a family were discovered outside the village of Gornje Obrinje; the bloody doll from there became the rallying image for the ensuing war.
 
The KLA received financial and material support from the Kosovo Albanian diaspora.<ref name="interpol">{{cite web|url=http://judiciary.house.gov/Legacy/muts1213.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050226123208/http://judiciary.house.gov/legacy/muts1213.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=2005-02-26|title=The Threat Posed by the Convergence of Organized Crime, Drugs Trafficking and Terrorism |author=written Testimony of Ralf Mutschke Assistant Director, Criminal Intelligence Directorate International Criminal Police Organization&nbsp;– Interpol General Secretariat before a hearing of the Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime|publisher=United States House Judiciary Committee|date=2000-12-13|access-date=2008-05-31|quote=In 1998, the U.S. State Department listed the KLA as a terrorist organization}}</ref><ref name="Kubo2010" /> In early 1997, [[1997 Albanian civil unrest|Albania collapsed into chaos]] following the fall of President [[Sali Berisha]]. [[Albanian Armed Forces]] stockpiles were looted with impunity by criminal gangs, with much of the hardware ending up in western Kosovo and boosting the growing KLA arsenal. [[Bujar Bukoshi]], shadow prime minister in exile (in [[Zürich]], Switzerland), created a group called FARK ([[Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosova]]). FARK and the KLA were initially rivals, but later FARK merged into the KLA. The Yugoslav government considered the KLA to be "terrorists" and "[[insurgents]]" who indiscriminately attacked police and civilians, while most Albanians saw the KLA as "[[Resistance movement|freedom fighters]]".
The other major issue for those who saw no option but to resort to the use of force was the estimated 300,000 displaced Albanians, 30,000 of whom were out in the woods, without clothing or shelter, with winter approaching. These tens of thousands of displaced people would probably not survive the winter.
 
On 23 February 1998, the United States Special Envoy to the Balkans, Robert Gelbard, stated in [[Pristina]] that "the KLA was without any question a terrorist group."<ref name="Crawford2001">{{cite journal |title=Pivotal Deterrence and the Kosovo War: Why the Holbrooke Agreement Failed |journal=Political Science Quarterly |year=2001 |last=Crawford |first=Timothy W. |volume=116 |issue=4 |pages=499–523 |doi=10.2307/798219 |jstor=798219 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/798219 |url-access=subscription }}</ref><ref name="bbc_june_1998">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/121818.stm|title=The KLA&nbsp;– terrorists or freedom fighters?|date=1998-06-28|publisher=BBC|first=Nened|last=Sebak}}</ref> He later told the [[United States House Committee on Foreign Affairs|House Committee on International Relations]] that "while the KLA had committed 'terrorist acts,' it had 'not been classified legally by the U.S. Government as a terrorist organization.'"<ref name="senate">{{cite web|url=https://www.senate.gov/~rpc/releases/1999/fr033199.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20000816165402/https://www.senate.gov/~rpc/releases/1999/fr033199.htm |url-status=dead |archive-date=2000-08-16 |title=The Kosovo Liberation Army: Does Clinton Policy Support Group with Terror, Drug Ties? |publisher=[[United States Senate]], Republican Policy Committee |date=1999-03-31 |access-date=2008-05-31 }}</ref> However, his 23 February statements have been seen as an unwitting "green light" to the Serbian crackdown that followed less than a week later.{{sfn|Judah|2002|p=138}}
Meanwhile, the US Ambassador to Macedonia, Christopher Hill, was leading shuttle diplomacy between an Albanian delegation, led by Rugova, and the Yugoslav and Serbian authorities. It was these meetings that were shaping what was to be the peace plan to be discussed during a period of planned NATO occupation of Kosovo.
 
===War begins===
During a period of two weeks, threats intensified, culminating in NATO's Activation Order being given. All was ready for the bombs to fly; Richard Holbrooke went to Belgrade to get Milosevic to agree to a NATO presence in Kosovo. He brought along General Michael Short, who threatened to destroy Belgrade. Long and painful discussions led to the Kosovo Verification Agreement on [[12 October]] [[1998]].
KLA attacks intensified, centering on the [[Drenica]] valley area with the compound of [[Adem Jashari]] being a focal point during the [[First Attack on Prekaz|first attack on Prekaz]] in 22 January, where Yugoslav security forces were repelled in an attack on the compound, and were driven out of the village the next day by thousands of Jashari's supporters.<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bBjHEAAAQBAJ&dq=january+prekaz+1998&pg=PA105 |title=Bosnian Genocide: The Essential Reference Guide |publisher=ABC-CLIO |year=2016 |isbn=9781440838699 |pages=105}}</ref> Days after Robert Gelbard described the KLA as a terrorist group, Serbian police responded to the KLA attacks in the [[Likošane]] area, and pursued some of the KLA to Čirez, resulting in the deaths of four Serbian policemen,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.fco.gov.uk/Files/kfile/koschron.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030731142318/http://www.fco.gov.uk/Files/kfile/koschron.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-date=2003-07-31 |title=Kosovo Chronology: From 1997 to the end of the conflict |date=June 1999 |publisher=[[British Parliament]] }}</ref> 16 Albanian fighters and 26 civilians in the [[attacks on Likoshane and Çirez]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.bmlv.gv.at/pdf_pool/publikationen/01_kse1_02_tck.pdf|title=Stefan Troebst: The Kosovo Conflict, 1998. (Serbian Raid against Drenica, February to March)}}</ref> The KLA's goal was to merge its Drenica stronghold with their stronghold in Albania proper, and this would shape the first few months of the fighting.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}
 
[[File:Donji Prekaz Kosova (3939095807).jpg|thumb|The Jashari family compound in Prekaz, where KLA leader [[Adem Jashari]] and 60 other people, mainly civilians, were murdered in the [[attack on Prekaz]]]]
Officially, the international community demanded an end to fighting, and more specifically demanded that the Serbs end its offensives against the KLA (without linking it to the end of KLA attacks), while attempting to convince the KLA to drop its bid for independence. Moreover, attempts were made to persuade Milošević to permit NATO peacekeeping troops to enter Kosovo. This, they argued, would allow for the Christopher Hill peace process to proceed and yield a peace agreement. A ceasefire was brokered, commencing on [[October 25]], [[1998]]. A large contingent of unarmed OSCE peace monitors (officially known as verifiers) moved into Kosovo. Their inadequacy was evident from the start. They were nicknamed the "clockwork oranges" in reference to their brightly coloured vehicles (in English, a "clockwork orange" signifies a useless object.) The ceasefire broke down within a matter of weeks and fighting resumed in December 1998 after the KLA occupied some bunkers overlooking the strategic Pristina-Podujevo highway, not long after the Panda Bar Massacre when the KLA shot up a cafe in Pec.
 
Serb police then began to pursue [[Adem Jashari]] and his followers in the village of Donje Prekaze. After the failure of the first attempt on the Jashair compound in January, on 5 March 1998 a [[Attack on Prekaz|much larger attack]] on the Jashari compound in Prekaz led to the massacre of 60 Albanians, of which eighteen were women and ten were under the age of sixteen.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://hrw.org/campaigns/kosovo98/timeline.shtml|title=Kosovo War Crimes Chronology|publisher=[[Human Rights Watch]]}}</ref> The event provoked massive condemnation from western capitals. [[Madeleine Albright]] said that "this crisis is not an internal affair of the FRY".<ref>{{cite web|url=https://1997-2001.state.gov/statements/1998/980309.html|title= Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, Statement at the Contact Group Ministerial on Kosovo|date=1998-03-09|publisher=U.S. Department of State}}</ref>
===Racak and the Rambouillet Conference (January&ndash;March 1999)===
KLA attacks and Serbian reprisals continued throughout the winter of 1998&ndash;1999, culminating on [[January 15]] [[1999]] with the [[Racak incident]]. The incident was immediately (before the investigation) condemned as a massacre by the [[Western countries]] and the [[United Nations Security Council]], and later became the basis of one of the charges of war crimes leveled against Milošević and his top officials. The details of what happened at Racak are still controversial. Although the war crimes tribunal has not yet ruled on the issue, it is fair to say that the massacre narrative is broadly accepted in the NATO-countries.
 
On 24 March, Yugoslav forces surrounded the village of Glodjane and [[Battle of Glođane|attacked a rebel compound there]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.iwpr.net/?p=tri&s=f&o=235663&apc_state=henitri2005|title=Ramush Haradinaj|first=Stacy|last=Sullivan|date=2005-03-11|publisher=[[Institute for War and Peace Reporting|IWPR]]}}</ref> Despite superior firepower, the Yugoslav forces failed to destroy the KLA unit, which had been their objective. Although there were deaths and severe injuries on the Albanian side, the insurgency in [[Glodjane]] was far from stamped out. The village was in fact to become one of the strongest centres of resistance in the upcoming war.
[[NATO]] decided that the conflict could only be settled by introducing a military peacekeeping force under the auspices of NATO, to forcibly restrain the two sides. A carefully coordinated set of diplomatic initiatives was announced simultaneously on [[January 30]], [[1999]]:
 
A new Yugoslav government was formed at this time, led by the [[Socialist Party of Serbia]] and the [[Serbian Radical Party]]. Ultra-nationalist Radical Party chairman [[Vojislav Šešelj]] became a deputy prime minister. This increased the dissatisfaction with the country's position among Western diplomats and spokespersons.
* NATO issued a statement announcing that it was prepared to launch air strikes against Yugoslav targets "to compel compliance with the demands of the international community and [to achieve] a political settlement". While this was most obviously a threat to the Milošević government, it also included a coded threat to the Albanians: any decision would depend on the "position and actions of the Kosovo Albanian leadership and all Kosovo Albanian armed elements in and around Kosovo." In effect, NATO was saying to the Serbs "make peace or we'll bomb you" and to the Albanians "make peace or we'll abandon you to the Serbs."
 
In early April, Serbia arranged for [[1998 Serbian foreign mediation in Kosovo referendum|a referendum]] on the issue of foreign interference in Kosovo. Serbian voters decisively rejected foreign interference in the crisis.<ref>[http://www.sudd.ch/event.php?lang=en&id=rs011998 Serbien (Jugoslawien), 23. April 1998 : Internationale Beobachter für Kosovo] Direct Democracy</ref> Meanwhile, the KLA claimed much of the area in and around [[Deçan]] and ran a territory based in the village of Glodjane, encompassing its surroundings.
* The Contact Group issued a set of "non-negotiable principles" which made up a package known as "Status Quo Plus" &mdash; effectively the restoration of Kosovo's pre-1990 autonomy within Serbia, plus the introduction of democracy and supervision by international organisations. It also called for a peace conference to be held in February 1999 at the [[Château de Rambouillet]], outside [[Paris]].
 
On 21 April 1998, Yugoslav forces started shelling the village of Baballoq. The [[Kosovo Liberation Army|KLA]], composed of 140 volunteers from the village and other KLA soldiers set up a defensive line which stopped the Yugoslav advance. The fighting lasted until August 1998 and started the Frontal War in the [[Metohija|Dukagjini]] region.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.epokaere.com/te-pathenat-per-betejen-e-baballoqit-frontin-e-pare-te-luftes-se-uck-se/|title=Të pathënat për Betejën e Baballoqit, frontin e parë të luftës së UÇK-së|date=21 April 2018|website=epokaere.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://kallxo.com/lajm/%E2%80%8B22-vjet-nga-beteja-e-baballoqit/|title=22 vjet nga Beteja e Baballoqit|date=21 April 2020|website=kallxo.com |author1=Kallxo }}</ref>
The [[Rambouillet Agreement|Rambouillet talks]] began on [[February 6]], with [[Secretary General of NATO|NATO Secretary General]] [[Javier Solana]] negotiating with both sides. They were intended to conclude by [[February 19]]; in any event, they continued until [[March 19]] before breaking up with no agreement reached. The Serbian delegation was led by then president of Serbia [[Milan Milutinović]], while Milošević himself remained in Belgrade. This was in contrast to the 1995 [[Dayton Agreement|Dayton conference]] that ended war in Bosnia, where Milošević negotiated in person. The absence of Milošević was interpreted as a sign that the real decisions were being made back in Belgrade, a move that aroused criticism in Serbia as well as abroad; Kosovo's Serbian Orthodox bishop [[Artemije]] traveled all the way to Rambouillet to protest that the delegation was wholly unrepresentative.
 
On 31 May 1998, the Yugoslav army and the Serb Ministry of the Interior police began an operation to clear the border of the KLA. NATO's response to this offensive was mid-June's Operation Determined Falcon, a NATO show of force over the Yugoslav borders.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.nato.int/docu/pr/1998/p98-080e.htm |title=Statement by NATO Secretary General, Dr. Javier Solana, on Exercise "Determined Falcon" |publisher=NATO |date=1998-06-13 |access-date=2023-09-16 }}</ref>
The biggest problem for both sides was that the Contact Group's non-negotiable principles were mutually unacceptable. The Albanians were unwilling to accept a solution that would retain Kosovo as part of Serbia. The Serbs did not want to see the pre-1990 status quo restored, and were implacably opposed to any international role in the governance of the province. The negotiations thus became a somewhat cynical game of musical chairs, each side trying to avoid being blamed for the breakdown of the talks. To add to the farce, the NATO Contact Group countries were desperate to avoid having to make good on their threat of force &mdash; Greece and Italy were strongly opposed to the whole idea and there was vigorous opposition to military action in every NATO country. Consequently, when the talks failed to achieve an agreement by the original deadline of [[19 February]], they were extended by another month.
 
[[File:Kompleksi memorial në Gllogjan.png|thumb|left|Memorial complex in Gllogjan, where the [[Battle of Glođane]] took place]]
The two paragraphs above, however, are partially contradicted by the historical evidence. In particular, the [http://www.ohr.int/other-doc/contact-g/default.asp?content_id=3560 statement] by the co-chairmen on the [[23 February]] [[1999]] that the negotiations ''have led to a '''consensus''' on substantial autonomy for Kosovo, including on mechanisms for free and fair elections to democratic institutions, for the governance of Kosovo, for the protection of human rights and the rights of members of national communities; and for the establishment of a fair judicial system''. They went on to say that ''a political framework is now in place'' leaving the further work of finalizing ''the implementation Chapters of the Agreement, including the modalities of the '''invited international''' civilian and military presence in Kosovo''.
 
During this time, Yugoslav President Milošević reached an arrangement with [[Boris Yeltsin]] of [[Russia]] to stop offensive operations and prepare for talks with the Albanians, who refused to talk to the Serbian side throughout the crisis, but would talk with the Yugoslav government. In fact, the only meeting between Milošević and [[Ibrahim Rugova]] happened on 15 May in Belgrade, two days after the special presidential envoy [[Richard Holbrooke]] announced that it would take place. Holbrooke threatened Milošević that if he did not obey, "what's left of your country will implode".<ref>{{Cite news|title=Mission Impossible|url=https://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1998/06/29/time/holbrooke.html|last=Waller|first=Douglas|date=1998-07-06|access-date=2020-12-10|work=CNN|agency=Time}}</ref> A month later, Holbrooke visited the border areas affected by the fighting in early June, where he was famously photographed with the KLA. The publication of these images sent a signal to the KLA, its supporters and sympathisers, and to observers in general, that the US was decisively backing the KLA and the Albanian population in Kosovo.
The tilting of NATO towards the KLA organisation is chronicled in the [http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/events/panorama/transcripts/transcript_12_03_00.txt BBC Television "MORAL COMBAT : NATO AT WAR" program]. This happened despite the fact that General [[Klaus Naumann]] (Chairman of NATO Military Committee) stated that ''Ambassador Walker stated in the NAC (North Atlantic Council) that the majority of violations was caused by the KLA''.
 
The Yeltsin agreement required Milošević to allow international representatives to set up a mission in Kosovo to monitor the situation there. The [[Kosovo Diplomatic Observer Mission]] (KDOM) began operations in early July 1998. The US government welcomed this part of the agreement, but denounced the initiative's call for a mutual cease fire. Rather, the US demanded that the Serbian-Yugoslavian side should cease fire "without linkage&nbsp;... to a cessation in terrorist activities". {{citation needed|date=January 2024}}
In the end, on [[18 March]], [[1999]], the Albanian, American and British delegation signed what became known as the [[Rambouillet Agreement|Rambouillet Accords]] while the Serbian and Russian delegations refused. The accords called for NATO administration of Kosovo as an autonomous province within Yugoslavia; a force of 30,000 NATO troops to maintain order in Kosovo; an unhindered right of passage for NATO troops on Yugoslav territory, including Kosovo; and immunity for NATO and its agents to Yugoslav law. The American and British delegations must have known that the new version would never be accepted by the Serbs or the Contact Group. These latter provisions were much the same as had been applied to Bosnia for the [[SFOR]] (Stabilisation Force) mission there.
 
All through June and into mid-July, the KLA maintained its advance. The KLA surrounded [[Peja]] and [[Gjakova]], and set up an interim capital in the town of [[Malisheva]] (north of [[Rahovec]]). KLA troops infiltrated [[Suva Reka]] and the northwest of Pristina. They moved on to capture the [[Belaćevac coal mine|Belaćevac coal pits]] in late June, threatening energy supplies in the region. In July, KLA activity was reported south of [[Prizren]]. Their tactics as usual focused mainly on [[Guerrilla warfare|guerrilla]] and [[mountain warfare]], and harassing and ambushing Yugoslav forces and Serb police patrols.
If the accords did not go far enough to fully satisfy the Albanians, they were much too radical for the Serbs, who responded by substituting a drastically revised text that even the [[Russia]]ns, traditional allies of the Serbs, found unacceptable. It sought to reopen the painstakingly negotiated political status of Kosovo and deleted all of the proposed implementation measures. Among many other changes in the proposed new version, it eliminated the entire chapter on humanitarian assistance and reconstruction, removed virtually all international oversight and dropped any mention of invoking "the will of the people [of Kosovo]" in determining the final status of the province. Even the word "peace" was deleted. The Serbian delegation must have known that the new version would never be accepted by the Albanians or the Contact Group. It was immediately apparent that Milošević had decided to call NATO's bluff, believing that the alliance would either not make good on its threat or would do no more than launch a few pinprick raids that could easily be absorbed. Perhaps most fundamentally, Milošević appears to have calculated that he had more to lose by making peace than waging war &mdash; although the KLA threat had not yet been eliminated, its defeat was nonetheless just a matter of time, to his mind, in the face of the far more powerful Serbian and Yugoslav security forces.
 
The tide turned in mid-July when the KLA [[Attack on Orahovac|captured Rahovec]]. On 17 July 1998, two nearby villages, Retimlije and Opteruša, were also captured, while less systematic events took place in the larger Serb-populated village of Velika Hoča. The Orthodox monastery of Zočište {{convert|3|mi|km|spell=in}} was looted and torched.<ref>{{cite web |title=The Developing Role of NATO and KFOR's Contribution to Peacebuilding in Kosovo |url=http://www.cssproject.org/media/uploads/kfor_research_paper.pdf |publisher=CSSProject |access-date=22 August 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120322232519/https://www.cssproject.org/media/uploads/kfor_research_paper.pdf |archive-date=2012-03-22 |page=12}}</ref> This led to a series of Serb and Yugoslav offensives which would continue into the beginning of August.
Critics of the Kosovo war have claimed that the Serbian refusal was prompted by unacceptably broad terms in the access rights proposed for the NATO peacekeeping force. These would allow (in the words of the agreement's Appendix B) "free and unrestricted access throughout [Yugoslavia] including … the right of [[bivouac]], maneuver, [[billet]], and utilization of any areas or facilities as required for support, training and operations". This was based on standard [[United Nations|UN]] peacekeeping agreements such as that in force in Bosnia, but would have given broader rights of access than were really needed, and onto the entire territory of Yugoslavia, not just the province. It has been claimed that Appendix B would have authorised what would amount to a NATO occupation of the whole of Yugoslavia, and that its presence in the accords was the cause of the breakdown of the talks. The chapter dealing with the Kosovan Economy was also equally revealing, it called for 'privatization of all Government assets', this seems to be commensurated by the fact that around 372 centres of industries were bombed during the conflict, including many with no relevance to Military means (unless, of course, one sees the concealment of Serb tanks and other military hardware inside said factories as relevant to military means), but not one private or foreign owned business was bombed.
 
A new set of KLA attacks in mid-August triggered Yugoslavian operations in south-central Kosovo, south of the Pristina-Peja road. In early September, Yugoslav forces began an offensive around [[Prizren]] but, despite their advantage in firepower, were unable to capture the KLA stronghold there. In western Kosovo, around Peja, another offensive caused condemnation as international officials expressed fear that a large column of displaced people would be attacked.
Events proceeded rapidly after the failure at Rambouillet. The international monitors from the [[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe|OSCE]] withdrew on [[March 22]], for fear of the monitors' safety ahead of the anticipated NATO bombing campaign. On [[March 23]], the Serbian assembly accepted the principle of autonomy for Kosovo [http://www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-03/24/10030.html] and non-military part of the agreement. But the Serbian side had objections to the military part of the Rambouillet agreement, appendix B in particular [http://www.state.gov/www/regions/eur/ksvo_rambouillet_text.html], which it characterized as "NATO occupation". The full document was described "fraudulent" because the military part of the agreement was offered only at the very end of the talks without much possibility for negotiation, and because the other side, condemned in harshest terms as a "separatist&ndash;terrorist delegation", completely refused to meet delegation of FRY and negotiate directly during the Rambouillet talks at all. The following day, [[March 24]], NATO bombing began.
 
In early mid-September, for the first time, KLA activity was reported in northern Kosovo around [[Podujevo]]. Finally, in late September, a Yugoslav determined effort was made to clear the KLA out of the northern and central parts of Kosovo and out of the Drenica valley. During this time many threats were made from Western capitals but these were tempered somewhat by the elections in Bosnia, as they did not want Serbian Democrats and Radicals to win. Following the elections, the threats intensified once again. On 28 September, [[Gornje Obrinje massacre|the mutilated corpses of a family]] were discovered by KDOM outside the village of Gornje Obrinje. The bloody image of a child's doll and streams of displaced persons rallied the international community to action.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5EFihegRpmkC&pg=PA356|page=356|title=Handbook of Ethnic Conflict: International Perspectives|editor=Dan Landis, Rosita D. Albert|publisher=Springer Science and Business Media|year=2012|isbn=978-1-4614-0448-4}}</ref>
== The NATO bombing campaign ==
:''Main article: [[Operation Allied Force]]''
NATO's bombing campaign lasted from [[March 24]] to [[June 11]], [[1999]], involving up to 1,000 aircraft operating mainly from bases in [[Italy]] and aircraft carriers stationed in the [[Adriatic]]. [[BGM-109 Tomahawk|Tomahawk]] [[cruise missile]]s were also extensively used, fired from aircraft, ships and submarines. The United States was, inevitably, the dominant member of the coalition against Serbia, although all of the NATO members were involved to some degree &mdash; even Greece, despite publicly opposing the war. Over the ten weeks of the conflict, NATO aircraft flew over 38,000 combat missions. For the German Air Force (Luftwaffe) it was the first time it had participated in a conflict since World War II. In addition to airpower, one battalion from the US Army's 82nd Airborne Division was deployed to help combat missions. The battalion secured [[AH-64 Apache|Apache]] Attack helicopter refueling sites and a small team forward deployed to the Albania/Kosovo border to identify targets for Allied/NATO airstrikes.
 
====Morale====
<!-- Unsourced image removed: [[Image:aleksinac110499.jpg|thumb|300px|right|Residential areas and Serbian television were bombed]] -->
Morale was a serious problem for Serb forces; intelligence surveys found that many soldiers disagreed with their comrades' actions. One tank commander reported, "for the entire time I was in Kosovo, I never saw an enemy soldier and my unit was never once involved in firing at enemy targets. The tanks which cost $2.5 million each were used to slaughter Albanian children... I am ashamed".<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=B4YbP0fPcMYC&pg=PA332|page=332|title=The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia|first=Tim|last=Judah|publisher=Yale University Press|year=2000|isbn=978-0300085075}}</ref>
The proclaimed goal of the NATO operation was summed up by its spokesman as "[[Serbs]] out, peacekeepers in, refugees back". That is, Serbian troops would have to leave Kosovo and be replaced by international peacekeepers in order to ensure that the Albanian refugees could return to their homes. However, the summary had an unfortunate double meaning which caused NATO considerable embarrassment after the war, when over 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanian minorities fled or were expelled from the province. It was also suggested that a small victorious war would help give NATO a new role. Propaganda terms "''[[humanitarian bombing]]''" and "''humanitarian war''" were employed by the politicians.
 
When retreating from Kosovo after NATO intervention, Yugoslav units appeared combat effective with high morale and displaying large holdings of undamaged equipment.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Nardulli|last2=Perry|last3=Pirnie|last4=Gordon|last5=McGinn|title=Disjointed War: Military Operations in Kosovo, 1999|page=54}}</ref> Weeks before the end of hostilities, David Fromkin noted that "it seemed possible that NATO unity might crack before Yugoslav morale did."<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=XR61G7jU09kC&pg=PA364 ''The Strategic Triangle''] by Helga Haftendorn, p. 364</ref> The announcement by President Clinton that the US would not deploy ground troops gave a tremendous boost to Serbian morale.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=0tEFBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA275 ''The Balkans Since the Second World''] by R. J. Crampton, p. 275</ref>
The campaign was initially designed to destroy Serbian air defences and high-value military targets. It did not go very well at first, with bad weather hindering many sorties early on. NATO had seriously underestimated Milošević's will to resist: few in Brussels thought that the campaign would last more than a few days, and although the initial bombardment was more than just a pin-prick, it was nowhere near the concentrated bombardments seen in Baghdad in 1991 and 2003. On the ground, the ethnic cleansing campaign by the Serbians was stepped up and within a week of the war starting, over 300,000 Kosovo Albanians had fled into neighboring Albania and Macedonia, with many thousands more displaced within Kosovo. By April, the United Nations was reporting that 850,000 people &mdash; the vast majority of them Albanians &mdash; had fled their homes.
 
===UN, NATO, and OSCE (1998–1999)===
The cause of the refugee exodus has been the subject of considerable controversy, not least because it formed the basis of [[United Nations]] [[war crimes]] charges against [[Slobodan Milošević]] and other officials responsible for directing the Kosovo conflict. The Serbian side and its Western supporters claimed that the refugee outflows were caused by mass panic in the Kosovo Albanian population, and that the exodus was generated principally by fear of NATO bombs. It was also alleged that the exodus was encouraged by KLA guerillas, and that in some cases the KLA issued direct orders to Albanians to flee. Many eyewitness accounts from both Serbs and Albanians identified Serbian security forces and paramilitaries as the culprits, responsible for systematically emptying towns and villages of their Albanian inhabitants either by forcing them to flee or executions. [http://www.sense-agency.com/en/stream.php?sta=3&pid=5748&kat=3] There were certainly some well-documented instances of mass expulsions, as happened in Priština at the end of March when tens of thousands of people were rounded up at gunpoint and loaded onto trains, before being dumped at the Macedonian border. Other towns, such as [[Peć]], were systematically burned and their inhabitants killed.
[[File:President Bill Clinton talks on the telephone regarding Kosovo in the Oval Office Dining Room.jpg|thumb|Clinton talks on the phone about the Kosovo War]]
On 9 June 1998, US President Bill Clinton declared a "national emergency" ([[state of emergency]]) due to the "unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and [[foreign policy of the United States]]" imposed by Yugoslavia and Serbia over the Kosovo War.<ref>{{Executive Order|13088}} of 9 June 1998. Blocking Property of the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), the Republic of Serbia, and the Republic of Montenegro, and Prohibiting New Investment in the Republic of Serbia in Response to the Situation in Kosovo. {{USFR|63|32109}} (12 June 1998). "I, WILLIAM J. CLINTON, President of the United States of America, find that the actions and policies of the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and the Republic of Serbia with respect to Kosovo, by promoting ethnic conflict and human suffering, threaten to destabilise countries of the region and to disrupt progress in Bosnia and Herzegovina in implementing the Dayton peace agreement, and therefore constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States, and hereby declare a national emergency to deal with that threat."</ref>
 
On 23 September 1998, acting under [[Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter]], the [[United Nations Security Council|UN Security Council]] adopted [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 1199|Resolution 1199]]. This expressed 'grave concern' at reports reaching the Secretary General that over 230,000 people had been displaced from their homes by 'the excessive and indiscriminate use of force by Serbian security forces and the Yugoslav Army',<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1199(1998)|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121219093335/http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S%2FRES%2F1199%281998%29|url-status=dead|title=United Nations Official Document|archive-date=19 December 2012|website=www.un.org}}</ref> demanding that all parties in Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia cease hostilities and maintain a ceasefire. On 24 September the [[North Atlantic Council]] (NAC) of NATO issued an "activation warning" taking NATO to an increased level of military preparedness for both a limited air option and a phased air campaign in Kosovo.<ref>{{cite press release|title=Statement by the Secretary General following the ACTWARN decision|date=24 September 1998|publisher=NATO|url=http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/1998/p980924e.htm}}</ref> The other major issue for those who saw no option but to resort to the use of force was the estimated 250,000 displaced Albanians, 30,000 of whom were out in the woods, without warm clothing or shelter, with winter fast approaching.
<!-- Unsourced image removed: [[Image:solana12.jpg|thumb|242px|left|Kosovo Albanian refugees were hit by NATO]] -->
German Foreign Minister [[Joschka Fischer]] claimed that the refugee crisis had been produced by a Serbian plan codenamed "[[Operation Horseshoe]]". While the existence of a plan of that name remains controversial, the United Nations and international human rights organisations were convinced that the refugee crisis was the result of a deliberate policy of [[ethnic cleansing]]. A postwar statistical analysis of the patterns of displacement, conducted by Patrick Ball of the [[American Association for the Advancement of Science]] [http://shr.aaas.org/kosovo/pk/toc.html], found that there was a direct correlation between Serbian security force operations and refugee outflows, with NATO operations having very little effect on the displacements. There was other evidence of the refugee crisis having been deliberately manufactured: many refugees reported that their identity cards had been confiscated by security forces, making it much harder for them to prove that they were ''[[bona fide]]'' Yugoslav citizens. Indeed, since the conflict ended Serbian sources have claimed that many of those who joined the refugee return were in fact Albanians from outside Kosovo.
 
Meanwhile, the US Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia, [[Christopher R. Hill|Christopher Hill]], was leading [[shuttle diplomacy]] between an Albanian delegation, led by Rugova, and the Yugoslav and Serbian authorities. These meetings were shaping the peace plan to be discussed during a period of planned NATO occupation of Kosovo. During a period of two weeks, threats intensified, culminating in NATO's Activation Order being given. NATO was ready to begin airstrikes, and Richard Holbrooke went to Belgrade in the hope of reaching an agreement with Milošević. Officially, the international community demanded an end to fighting. It specifically demanded that Yugoslavia end its offensives against the KLA whilst attempting to convince the KLA to drop its bid for independence. Attempts were made to persuade Milošević to permit NATO peacekeeping troops to enter Kosovo. This, they argued, would allow for the Christopher Hill peace process to proceed and yield a peace agreement.
It is unclear what Milošević may have hoped to achieve by expelling Kosovo's Albanian inhabitants. One possibility is that he wished to replace the Albanian population with refugee Serbs from Bosnia and [[Croatia]], thereby achieving the "Serbianization" of the province. It is quite clear that NATO achieved a considerable moral advantage by the flight, whether desired or not. If so, if desired it was a great success, as it convinced NATO's member states populations that they had to win the conflict. Europe was already finding it hard to cope with previous waves of refugees and asylum seekers from the Balkans, and a further wave of refugees could have dangerously destabilised southeastern Europe. It is arguable that the war in Kosovo was not initially in the direct interests of the NATO states, but the refugee crisis made it so. The television pictures of thousands of refugees streaming across the border were an invaluable morale boost for NATO, making it much easier for the alliance to argue that Serbian ethnic cleansing was a greater evil than NATO bombardment.
 
On 13 October 1998, the [[North Atlantic Council]] issued activation orders for the execution of both limited [[air strike]]s and a phased [[aerial warfare|air campaign]] in Yugoslavia which would begin in approximately 96 hours.<ref>{{cite press release|title=Statement to the Press by the Secretary General Following Decision on the ACTORD|date=13 October 1998|publisher=NATO|url=http://www.nato.int/docu/speech/1998/s981013a.htm}}</ref> On 15 October the NATO [[Kosovo Verification Mission]] (KVM) Agreement for a ceasefire was signed, and the deadline for withdrawal was extended to 27 October.<ref name="nato_oaf">{{cite web|title=Operation Allied Force|publisher=NATO|url=http://www.afsouth.nato.int/archives/operations/detforce/force.htm|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110927191114/http://www.afsouth.nato.int/archives/operations/detforce/force.htm|archive-date=2011-09-27}}</ref> Difficulties implementing the agreement were reported, as clashes continued between government troops and the guerrillas.<ref>{{cite web|first=Paul|last=Watson|url=http://articles.sun-sentinel.com/1998-10-20/news/9810190342_1_kosovo-liberation-army-serbian-forces-serbian-officials|title=Serb Troops Digging In To Battle Kosovo Rebels|work=Sun Sentinel|date=1998-10-20|access-date=2012-11-08|archive-date=2013-06-14|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130614020605/http://articles.sun-sentinel.com/1998-10-20/news/9810190342_1_kosovo-liberation-army-serbian-forces-serbian-officials|url-status=dead}}</ref> The Serbian withdrawal commenced on or around 25 October 1998, and [[Operation Eagle Eye (Kosovo)|Operation Eagle Eye]] commenced on 30 October.<ref name="nato_oaf" />
NATO military operations switched increasingly to attacking Serbian units on the ground &mdash; hitting targets as small as individual tanks and artillery pieces &mdash; as well as continuing with the strategic bombardment. This activity was, however, heavily constrained by politics, as each target needed to be approved by all nineteen members states. [[Montenegro]] was bombed on several occasions but NATO eventually desisted in order to prop up the precarious position of its anti-Milošević leader, [[Milo Đukanović|Đukanović]]. So-called "[[dual-use]]" targets, of use to both civilians and the military, were attacked: this included bridges across the [[Danube]], factories, power stations, telecommunications facilities and &mdash; particularly controversially &mdash; the headquarters of [[Yugoslavian Leftists]], a political party led by Milošević's wife, and the Serbian state television broadcasting tower. Some saw these actions as violations of international law and the [[Geneva Conventions]] in particular. NATO however argued that these facilities were potentially useful to the Serbian military and that their bombing was therefore justified. The alliance also maintained that it tried very hard to avoid civilian casualties during its bombing campaign.
 
The KVM was a large contingent of unarmed [[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe]] (OSCE) peace monitors (officially known as verifiers) that moved into Kosovo. Their inadequacy was evident from the start. They were nicknamed the "clockwork oranges" in reference to their brightly coloured vehicles. Fighting resumed in December 1998 after both sides broke the ceasefire,<ref name=Maisonneuve>{{cite web|last=Brigadier-General Maisonneuve|title=The OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission |url=http://www.journal.forces.gc.ca/vo1/no1/doc/49-54-eng.pdf|work=Canadian Military Journal|access-date=2 July 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130511235900/http://www.journal.forces.gc.ca/vo1/no1/doc/49-54-eng.pdf|archive-date=11 May 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref> and this surge in violence culminated in the killing of Zvonko Bojanić, the Serb mayor of the town of [[Kosovo Polje]]. Yugoslav authorities responded by launching a crackdown against KLA militants.<ref>{{cite news|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1998/12/19/world/serbian-mayor-slain-in-kosovo-new-sweep-on-rebels-ordered.html|title=Serbian Mayor Slain in Kosovo; New Sweep on Rebels Ordered|date=19 December 1998|access-date=3 March 2013}}</ref>
At the start of May, a NATO aircraft attacked an Albanian refugee convoy, believing it was a Serbian military convoy, killing around 50 people. NATO admitted its mistake 5 days later, but the Serbs accused NATO of deliberately attacking the refugees. On [[May 7]], [[NATO Bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade|NATO bombs hit the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade]], killing three Chinese journalists and outraging Chinese public opinion. NATO claimed they were firing at Yugoslav positions. The United States and NATO later apologized for the bombing, saying that it occurred because of an outdated map provided by the [[CIA]]. This was challenged by a joint report from ''[[The Observer]]'' (UK) and ''Politiken'' (Denmark) newspapers [http://www.guardian.co.uk/Kosovo/Story/0,2763,203214,00.html] which claimed that NATO intentionally bombed the embassy because it was being used as a relay station for Yugoslav army radio signals. The bombing strained relations between China and NATO countries and provoked angry demonstrations outside Western embassies in [[Beijing]]. According to one news source, unnamed high ranking NATO sources confirmed in 2005 that the attack was in fact deliberate: ''"The NATO sources told Defense & Foreign Affairs that the attack was based on intelligence that then Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic was to have been in the Embassy at the time of the attack. The attack, then, was deliberately planned as a "decapitation" attack, intended to kill Milosevic."'' [http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=20051229&articleId=1665]
 
The January to March 1999 phase of the war brought increasing insecurity in urban areas, including bombings and murders. Such attacks took place during the [[Rambouillet talks]] in February and as the Kosovo Verification Agreement unraveled in March. Killings on the roads continued and increased. There were military confrontations in, among other places, the [[Vushtrri]] area in February and the heretofore unaffected [[Kaçanik]] area in early March.
By the start of April, the conflict seemed little closer to a resolution and NATO countries began to think seriously about a ground operation &mdash; an invasion of Kosovo. This would have to be organised very quickly, as there was little time before winter set in and much work would have to be done to improve the roads from the Greek and Albanian ports to the envisaged invasion routes through Macedonia and northeastern Albania. US President Bill Clinton was however extremely reluctant to commit American forces for a ground offensive. At the same time, Finnish and Russian negotiators continued to try to persuade Milošević to back down. He finally recognised that NATO was serious in its resolve to end the conflict one way or another and that Russia would not intervene to defend Serbia despite Moscow's strong anti-NATO rhetoric. Faced with little alternative, Milošević accepted the conditions offered by a Finnish&ndash;Russian mediation team and agreed to a military presence within Kosovo headed by the UN, but incorporating NATO troops.
[[Image:Kosovar kids.jpg|thumb|275px|Kosovar children cheer the arrival of Marines in Gjilan, June 1999]]
 
On 15 January 1999 the [[Račak massacre]] occurred when 45 Kosovan Albanians were killed.{{sfn|Judah|2002|p=193}} The bodies had been discovered by OSCE monitors, including Head of Mission [[William G. Walker]], and foreign news correspondents.<ref>{{cite news|title=Racak massacre haunts Milosevic trial|last=Silverman|first=Jon|date=14 February 2002|work=BBC News|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/1812847.stm}}</ref><ref name="ustrans">{{citation|title=Transcript: Amb. Walker Press Conference After Massacre in Kosovo |date=26 January 1999|publisher=Embassy of the United States Tel Aviv, Israel|url=http://www.usembassy-israel.org.il/publish/press/security/archive/1999/january/ds1127.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081206154406/http://www.usembassy-israel.org.il/publish/press/security/archive/1999/january/ds1127.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=6 December 2008}}</ref> Yugoslavia denied a massacre took place.<ref name="ustrans" /> The Račak massacre was the culmination of the conflict between the KLA and Yugoslav forces that had continued throughout the winter of 1998–1999. The incident was immediately condemned as a massacre by the [[Western countries]] and the [[United Nations Security Council]], and later became the basis of one of the charges of war crimes leveled against Milošević and his top officials. This massacre was the turning point of the war. [[NATO]] decided that the conflict could only be settled by introducing a military peacekeeping force under the auspices of NATO, to forcibly restrain the two sides. Pristina, the capital of Kosovo, had been subjected to heavy firefights and segregation according to OSCE reports.<ref name="ReferenceB">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/271316.stm|title=Pristina waits for war|work=BBC News|date=1999-02-03|access-date=2012-11-08}}</ref>
On 12 June, after Milosevic accepted the conditions, [[KFOR]] began entering the war-torn land of Kosovo. [[KFOR]], a [[NATO]] force, had been preparing to conduct combat operations but in the end its mission was only peacekeeping. <ref>http://www.arrc.nato.int/brochure/operations.htm</ref> It was based upon the [[Headquarters Allied Command Europe Rapid Reaction Corps|Allied Rapid Reaction Corps]] headquarters commanded by then Lieutenant General [[Mike Jackson]] of the [[British Army]]. It consisted of British forces (a brigade built from 4th Armoured and 5th Airborne Brigades), a French Brigade, a German brigade, which entered from the west while all the other forces advanced from the south, and Italian and [[United States Army]] brigades. The US contribution, the Initial Entry Force consisted of forces from the 2nd Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment from Fort Bragg, N.C; the [[26th Marine Expeditionary Unit]] from [[Camp Lejeune]], [[North Carolina]]; the 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment from Schweinfurt Germany, and Echo Troop, 4th Cavalry Regiment, also from Schweinfurt, Germany. Also attached to the U.S. force was the [[Greek Army]]'s 501st Mechanized Infantry Battalion. The initial US forces established their area of operation around the towns of Urosevic, the future [[Camp Bondsteel]], and Gnjilane, at [[Camp Monteith]], and spent four months - the start of a stay which continues to date - establishing order in the south east sector of Kosovo. Even though greetings were temporary, during initial incursion the US soldiers were greeted by Albanians young and old cheering and throwing flowers as US Soldiers and [[KFOR]] rolled through their villages. At least three U.S. Soldiers from the Initial Entry Force lost their lives.<ref> Sergeant William Wright - B Company 9th Engineers (17 July 1999); Specialist Sherwood Brim - B Company 9th Engineers(17 July 1999); Private First Class Benjamin McGill - C Company 1st Battalion 26th Infantry (9 August 1999).</ref>
 
===The Rambouillet Conference (January–March 1999)===
== Reaction to the war ==
On 30 January 1999, NATO issued a statement announcing that the [[North Atlantic Council]] had agreed that "the NATO Secretary General may authorise air strikes against targets on FRY territory" to "[compel] compliance with the demands of the international community and [to achieve] a political settlement".<ref name=NAC>{{cite press release|title=Statement by the North Atlantic Council on Kosovo|date=30 January 1999|publisher=NATO|url=http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99-012e.htm}}</ref> While this was mainly a threat to the Milošević government, it also included a coded threat to the Albanians: any decision would depend on the "position and actions of the Kosovo Albanian leadership and all Kosovo Albanian armed elements in and around Kosovo."<ref name=NAC/>
The [[Legitimacy of NATO bombing of Yugoslavia|legitimacy of NATO's bombing campaign]] in Kosovo has been the subject of much debate. NATO did not have the backing of the [[United Nations Security Council]] to use force in Yugoslavia but justified its actions on the basis of an "international humanitarian emergency". Criticism was also drawn by the fact that the NATO charter specifies that NATO is an organization created for defence of its members, but in this case it was used to attack a non-NATO country which was not directly threatening any NATO member. NATO countered this argument by claiming that instability in the [[Balkans]] was a direct threat to the security interests of NATO members, and military action was therefore justified by the NATO charter.
 
Also on 30 January 1999, the Contact Group issued a set of "non-negotiable principles" which made up a package known as "Status Quo Plus"{{snd}}effectively the restoration of Kosovo's pre-1990 autonomy within Serbia, plus the introduction of democracy and supervision by international organisations. It also called for a peace conference to be held in February 1999 at the [[Château de Rambouillet]], outside Paris.{{citation needed|date=December 2023}}
Many on the left of Western politics saw the NATO campaign as US aggression and imperialism, while critics on the right considered it irrelevant to their countries' national security interests. Veteran anti-war campaigners such as [[Noam Chomsky]], [[Edward Said]], [[Justin Raimondo]], and [[Tariq Ali]] were prominent in opposing the campaign. However, in comparison with the anti-war protests against the [[2003 invasion of Iraq]], the campaign against the war in Kosovo aroused much less public support. The television pictures of refugees being driven out of Kosovo made a vivid and simple case for NATO's actions. The personalities were also very different &mdash; the NATO nations were mostly led by centre-left and moderately liberal leaders, most prominently U.S. President [[Bill Clinton]], British Prime Minister [[Tony Blair]] and German Chancellor [[Gerhard Schröder]]. Anti-war protests were generally confined to the far left and Serbian emigrés, with many other left-wingers supporting the campaign on humanitarian grounds.
 
The [[Rambouillet Agreement|Rambouillet talks]] began on 6 February 1999, with [[Secretary General of NATO|NATO Secretary General]] [[Javier Solana]] negotiating with both sides. They were intended to conclude by 19 February. The FR Yugoslavian delegation was led by then president of Serbia [[Milan Milutinović]], while Milošević himself remained in Belgrade. This was in contrast to the 1995 [[Dayton Agreement|Dayton conference]] that ended the war in Bosnia, where Milošević negotiated in person.{{citation needed|date=December 2023}} The absence of Milošević was interpreted as a sign that the real decisions were being made back in Belgrade, a move that aroused criticism in Yugoslavia as well as abroad; Kosovo's Serbian Orthodox bishop [[Artemije]] traveled all the way to Rambouillet to protest that the delegation was wholly unrepresentative. At this time, speculation about an indictment of Milošević for war crimes was rife, so his absence may have been motivated by fear of arrest.{{citation needed|date=December 2023}}
There was, however, criticism from all parts of the political spectrum for the way that NATO conducted the campaign. NATO officials sought to portray it as a "clean war" using precision weapons. The US [[Department of Defense]] claimed that, up to [[June 2]], 99.6% of the 20,000 bombs and missiles used had hit their targets. However, the use of technologies such as [[depleted uranium ammunition]] and [[cluster bombs]] was highly controversial, as was the bombing of oil refineries and chemical plants, which led to accusations of "environmental warfare". The slow pace of progress during the war was also heavily criticised. Many believed that NATO should have mounted an all-out campaign from the start, rather than starting with a relatively small number of strikes and combat aircraft.
 
[[File:72nd Special Brigade equipment 1999, Belgrade Military Museum .jpg|thumb|upright|Equipment of 72nd Special Brigade [[Yugoslav Army (FRY)|Yugoslav Army]] in the 1999 Kosovo War]]
The choice of targets was highly controversial. The destruction of bridges over the Danube greatly disrupted shipping on the river for months afterwards, causing serious economic damage to countries along the length of the river. Industrial facilities were also attacked, damaging the economies of many towns. In fact, as the Serbian opposition later complained, the Serbian military was using civilian factories as weapons plants: the Sloboda vacuum cleaner factory in the town of [[Čačak]] also housed a tank repair facility, while the [[Zastava]] plant in [[Kragujevac]] made both cars and [[Kalashnikov]] rifles. In addition only state owned factories were targeted. No private or foreign owned industrial sites were bombed. Perhaps the most controversial deliberate attack of the war was that made against the headquarters of Serbian television on [[April 23]], which killed at least fourteen people. NATO justified the attack on the grounds that the Serbian television headquarters was part of the Milošević regime's "propaganda machine". Opponents of Milošević inside Serbia charged that the managers of the state TV station had been forewarned of the attack but ordered staff to remain inside the building despite an air raid alert.
 
The first phase of negotiations was successful. In particular, a statement was issued by the Contact Group co-chairmen on 23 February 1999 that the negotiations "have led to a ''consensus'' on substantial autonomy for Kosovo, including on mechanisms for free and fair elections to democratic institutions, for the governance of Kosovo, for the protection of human rights and the rights of members of national communities; and for the establishment of a fair judicial system". They went on to say that "a political framework is now in place", leaving the further work of finalising "the implementation Chapters of the Agreement, including the modalities of the ''invited international'' civilian and military presence in Kosovo".<ref>{{cite web |date=23 February 1999 |title=Contact Group Statement – Rambouillet, 23 February 1999 |url=http://www.ohr.int/other-doc/contact-g/default.asp?content_id=3560 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070926234216/http://www.ohr.int/other-doc/contact-g/default.asp?content_id=3560 |archive-date=26 September 2007 |publisher=Office of the High Representative}}</ref> While the Serbs agreed to an autonomous government, free elections, and the release of all political prisoners, the West also insisted on the presence of NATO troops.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Descamps |first1=Philippe |title=Kosovo's open wounds, twenty years on |url=https://mondediplo.com/2019/03/17kosovo-dossier |website=Le Monde Diplomatique |access-date=6 January 2021 |date=March 2019}}</ref>
Within Yugoslavia, opinion on the war was (unsurprisingly) split between highly critical among Serbs and highly supportive among Albanians &mdash; although not all Albanians felt that way; some appear to have blamed NATO for not acting quickly enough. Although Milošević was increasingly unpopular because of the Serbian defeats in the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, the NATO campaign created a mood of national unity. Milošević did not leave matters entirely to chance, however. Many opposition supporters feared for their lives, particularly after the murder of the dissident journalist [[Slavko Curuvija]] on [[April 11]], an act widely blamed on Milošević's secret police. In Montenegro, President Milo Đukanović &mdash; who opposed both the NATO bombardment and Serbian actions in Kosovo &mdash; publicly expressed fear of a "creeping [[coup d'état|coup]]" by Milošević supporters.
 
While the accords did not fully satisfy the Albanians, they were much too radical for the Yugoslavs, who responded by substituting a drastically revised text that even Russia (ally of FR Yugoslavia) found unacceptable. It sought to reopen the painstakingly negotiated political status of Kosovo and deleted all of the proposed implementation measures. Among many other changes in the proposed new version, it eliminated the entire chapter on humanitarian assistance and reconstruction, removed virtually all international oversight and dropped any mention of invoking "the will of the people [of Kosovo]" in determining the final status of the province.<ref>{{Cite web |date=17 April 2009 |title=International Court of Justice |url=https://www.icj-cij.org/public/files/case-related/141/15640.pdf |website=www.icj-cij.org}}</ref>
Opinion in Yugoslavia's neighbours was much more mixed. [[Republic of Macedonia|Macedonia]] was the only Yugoslav republic apart from Montenegro not to have fought a war with Serbia and had tense relations between a Slav majority and a large Albanian minority. Its government did not approve of Milošević's actions, but it was also not very sympathetic towards the Albanian refugees. Albania was wholly supportive of NATO's actions, as might be expected given the ethnic ties between Albanians on both sides of the border. Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria granted overflight rights to NATO aircraft. Hungary was a new member of NATO and supported the campaign. Across the [[Adriatic]], Italian public and political opinion was against the war, but the Italian government nonetheless allowed NATO full use of Italian air bases. In Greece, popular opposition to the war reached [http://www.hri.org/news/greek/mpa/1999/99-04-17.mpa.html 96%].
 
On 18 March 1999, the Albanian, US, and British delegations signed what became known as the [[Rambouillet Agreement|Rambouillet Accords]], while the Yugoslav and Russian delegations refused. The accords called for NATO administration of Kosovo as an autonomous province within Yugoslavia, a force of 30,000 NATO troops to maintain order in Kosovo; an unhindered right of passage for NATO troops on Yugoslav territory, including Kosovo; and immunity for NATO and its agents to Yugoslav law. They would have also permitted a continuing Yugoslav army presence of 1,500 troops for border monitoring, backed by up to 1,000 troops to perform command and support functions, as well as a small number of border police, 2,500 ordinary MUP for public security purposes (although these were expected to draw down and to be transformed), and 3,000 local police.<ref>{{cite book|last=Charles|first=Ingrao|title=Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative|year=2012|publisher=Purdue University Press|___location=Indiana|isbn=978-1-61249-228-5|page=330|url=https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?filename=10&article=1027&context=purduepress_ebooks&type=additional|edition=2nd}}</ref>
It was claimed at the time by some NATO officials that Milošević might try to spread the war to Bosnia in order to tie up NATO on two fronts. At the beginning of the war, two Yugoslav [[MiG-29]] fighters had flown into eastern Bosnia combating NATO planes, but were shot down by NATO aircraft. In the event, Bosnia was quiet during the Kosovo war.
 
Although the Yugoslav Government cited military provisions of Appendix B of the Rambouillet provisions as the reason for its objections, claiming that it was an unacceptable violation of Yugoslavia's sovereignty, these provisions were essentially the same as had been applied to Bosnia for the [[SFOR]] (Stabilisation Force) mission there after the Dayton Agreement in 1995. The two sides did not discuss the issue in detail because of their disagreements on more fundamental problems.<ref>[https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199900/cmselect/cmfaff/28/2809.htm#a21 U.K. Parliamentary report] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171019033104/https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199900/cmselect/cmfaff/28/2809.htm#a21 |date=19 October 2017 }} The Kosovo Crises After May 1997</ref> In particular, the Serb side rejected the idea of any NATO troop presence in Kosovo to replace their security forces, preferring unarmed UN observers. Milošević himself had refused to discuss the annex after informing NATO that it was unacceptable, even after he was asked to propose amendments to the provisions which would have made them acceptable.<ref>{{cite book|last=Ingrao|first=Charles|title=Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative|year=2012|publisher=Purdue University Press|___location=Indiana|isbn=978-1-61249-228-5|pages=332–333}}</ref>
== Criticism of the Case for War==
 
After the failure at Rambouillet and the alternative Yugoslav proposal, international monitors from the OSCE withdrew on 22 March, to ensure their safety ahead of the anticipated NATO bombing campaign.<ref name="Caraccilo2011p44">{{cite book|title=Beyond Guns and Steel: A War Termination Strategy|first=Dominic J.|last=Caraccilo|year=2011|page=44|publisher=[[ABC-CLIO]]|isbn=978-0-313-39149-1|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FDA8dQyaQ9MC&pg=PA44}}</ref> On 23 March, the Serbian assembly accepted the principle of autonomy for Kosovo, as well as the non-military aspects of the agreement, but rejected a NATO troop presence.<ref name="Caraccilo2011p44" /><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-03/24/10030.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20000411180110/http://www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-03/24/10030.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=2000-04-11 |title=Conclusions of Serbian parliament |publisher=[[Government of Serbia]] |date=1999-03-24 }}</ref>
Some critics have accused the coalition of leading a war in Kosovo under the false pretense of [[genocide]].<ref>Farah, Joseph (1999). "[http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=14861 The Real War Crimes]". </ref> This was, in fact, no pretense at all. President Clinton of the United States, and his administration, were accused of inflating the number of [[Kosovar|Kosovar Albanians]] killed by [[Serbians]].<ref>Schlafly, Phyllis ([[November 19]], [[1999]]). "[http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a383733326c5a.htm Numbers Game in Kosovo]". ''Washington Times''.</ref> Clinton's [[Secretary of Defense]] [[William Cohen]], giving a speech, said, "The appalling accounts of mass killing in Kosovo and the pictures of refugees fleeing Serb oppression for their lives makes it clear that this is a fight for justice over genocide."<ref>Cohen, William ([[April 7]], [[1999]]). "[http://www.defenselink.mil/transcripts/1999/t04091999_t407nato.html Secretary Cohen's Press Conference at NATO Headquarters]".</ref> On CBS' ''Face the Nation'' Cohen claimed, "We've now seen about 100,000 military-aged men missing...They may have been murdered."<ref>Doggett, Tom ([[May 16]], [[1999]]). "[http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/balkans/stories/cohen051699.htm Cohen Fears 100,000 Kosovo Men Killed by Serbs]". ''The Washington Post''.</ref> Clinton, citing the same figure, spoke of "at least 100,000 (Kosovar Albanians) missing".<ref>Clinton, Bill ([[May 13]], [[1999]]). "[http://www.clintonfoundation.org/legacy/051399-speech-by-president-to-veterans-organizations-on-kosovo.htm Speech by President to Veterans Organizations on Kosovo]".</ref> Later, talking about Serbian elections, Clinton said, "they're going to have to come to grips with what Mr. Milošević ordered in Kosovo...They're going to have to decide whether they support his leadership or not; whether they think it's OK that all those tens of thousands of people were killed...".<ref>Clinton, Bill ([[June 25]], [[1999]]). "[http://clinton6.nara.gov/1999/06/1999-06-25-press-conference-by-the-president.html Press Conference by the President]".</ref> Clinton also claimed, in the same press conference, that "NATO stopped deliberate, systematic efforts at ethnic cleansing and genocide."<ref>ibid</ref> Clinton compared the events of Kosovo to the [[Holocaust]]. CNN reported, "Accusing Serbia of 'ethnic cleansing' in Kosovo similar to the genocide of Jews in World War II, an impassioned President Clinton sought Tuesday to rally public support for his decision to send U.S. forces into combat against Yugoslavia, a prospect that seemed increasingly likely with the breakdown of a diplomatic peace effort."<ref>"[http://www.cnn.com/US/9903/23/u.s.kosovo.04/ Clinton: Serbs must be stopped now]". ([[March 23]], [[1999]]). CNN.</ref> Clinton's [[State Department]] also claimed Serbian troops had committed genocide. ''The New York Times'' reported, "the Administration said evidence of 'genocide' by Serbian forces was growing to include 'abhorrent and criminal action' on a vast scale. The language was the State Department's strongest yet in denouncing Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević."<ref>Clines, Francis X ([[March 30]], [[1999]]). "NATO Hunting for Serb Forces; U.S. Reports Signs of 'Genocide'". ''The New York Times'', p. A1.</ref> The State Department also gave the highest estimate of dead Albanians. ''The New York Times'' reported, "On April 19, the State Department said that up to 500,000 Kosovar Albanians were missing and feared dead."<ref>Erlanger, Steven ([[November 11]], [[1999]]). "Early Count Hints at Fewer Kosovo Deaths". ''The New York Times'', p. A6.</ref>
 
In a 2009 judgement regarding six former Serb leaders charged with war crimes in Kosovo, the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|ICTY]] noted that the causes of the breakdown in the negotiations at Rambouillet were complex and stated that "international negotiators did not take an entirely even-handed approach to the respective positions of the parties and tended to favour the Kosovo Albanians." It further recorded that, according to a witness, on 14 April 1999, at a meeting initiated by the White House with representatives of the [[Serbian Americans|Serbian-American]] community, President [[Bill Clinton]] had stated that "the provision for allowing a referendum for the Albanians in Kosovo went too far and that, if he were in the shoes of Milošević, he probably would not have signed the draft [Rambouillet] agreement either."<ref>{{cite web |title=Šainović et al. (IT-05-87) Judgement: Volume 1 |url=https://www.icty.org/x/cases/milutinovic/tjug/en/jud090226-e1of4.pdf |website=ICTY.org |publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia |pages=170–171 |date=26 February 2009}}</ref>
The United Nations Charter does not allow military interventions in other sovereign countries with few exceptions which in general need to be decided upon by the United Nations Security Council. The issue was brought before the UN Security Council by Russia, in a draft resolution which - inter alia - would affirm "that such unilateral use of force constitutes a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter". China, Namibia and Russia voted for the resolution, the other members against, thus it failed to pass [http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/1999/19990326.sc6659.html][http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N99/086/80/PDF/N9908680.pdf?OpenElement] (PDF).
 
==NATO bombing timeline==
On [[April 29]] [[1999]] Yugoslavia filed a complaint at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at [[The Hague]] against ten NATO member countries (Belgium, Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, Canada, The Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the USA). The Court did not decide upon the case because Yugoslavia was not a member of the UN during the war.
{{Main|NATO bombing of Yugoslavia}}
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| source = — German Chancellor [[Gerhard Schröder]]'s announcement to the German people on 24 March 1999.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Kosovo-Serbia: The background to the sirens in the Balkans - explainer |url=https://www.jpost.com/international/article-713624 |access-date=2022-11-25 |newspaper=The Jerusalem Post &#124; Jpost.com |language=en-US}}</ref>
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[[File:F-117 Allied Force.jpg|thumb|A US [[Lockheed F-117 Nighthawk|F-117 Nighthawk]] taxis to the runway before taking off from [[Aviano Air Base]], Italy, on 24 March 1999]]
 
On 23 March 1999 at 21:30 UTC, [[Richard Holbrooke]] returned to Brussels and announced that peace talks had failed and formally handed the matter to NATO for military action.<ref name="bbc23mar99">{{cite news|title=Nato poised to strike|date=23 March 1999|work=BBC News|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/301900.stm}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.usembassy-israel.org.il/publish/press/state/archive/1999/march/sd4324.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120111150207/http://www.usembassy-israel.org.il/publish/press/state/archive/1999/march/sd4324.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=2012-01-11|title=Transcript: Holbrooke statement at NATO headquarters March 23|publisher=Usembassy-israel.org.il|date=1999-03-23|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref> Hours before the announcement, Yugoslavia announced on national television it had declared a state of emergency, citing an imminent threat of war and began a huge mobilisation of troops and resources.<ref name="bbc23mar99" /><ref name="wp99mar24">{{cite news|title=NATO Mobilizes for Attack / Yugoslavia declares state of emergency|last=Gellman|first=Barton|date=24 March 1999|publisher=San Francisco Chronicle|newspaper=[[Washington Post]]|url=https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/NATO-Mobilizes-for-Attack-Yugoslavia-declares-2940276.php}}</ref>
In Western countries, opposition to NATO's intervention was mainly from [[conservatism|conservatives]] and [[libertarianism|libertarians]] on the [[right-wing politics|right]], and from most of the [[far left]]. In Britain, the war was opposed by many prominent conservative figures including former [[UK Foreign Secretary]] Sir [[Malcolm Rifkind]] and journalists [[Peter Hitchens]] and [[Simon Heffer]], whereas opposition on the [[left-wing politics|left]] was confined to the [[communist]] ''[[Morning Star]]'' newspaper and left wing MPs like [[Tony Benn]] and [[Alan Simpson (politician)|Alan Simpson]].
 
On 23 March 1999 at 22:17 UTC, the [[Secretary General of NATO]], [[Javier Solana]], announced he had directed the [[Supreme Allied Commander Europe]] (SACEUR), US Army General [[Wesley Clark]], to "initiate air operations in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia."<ref name="wp99mar24" /><ref>{{cite press release|title=Press Statement by Dr. Javier Solana, Secretary General of NATO|date=23 March 1999|publisher=NATO|url=http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99-040e.htm}}</ref> On 24 March at 19:00 UTC, NATO started its bombing campaign against Yugoslavia.<ref>{{cite book|title=The Kosovo Report: Conflict, International Response, Lessons Learned|author=Independent International Commission on Kosovo|year=2000|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|isbn=978-0-19-924309-9|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m3uS1o4IFXEC&pg=PA85}}</ref><ref>{{cite press release|title=Press Statement by Dr. Javier Solana, NATO Secretary General following the Commencement of Air Operations|date=24 March 1999|publisher=NATO|url=http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99-041e.htm}}</ref>
== Consequences of the war ==
When the war ended on [[June 11]] [[1999]], it left Kosovo in chaos and Yugoslavia as a whole facing an unknown future.
 
[[File:Tomahawk-launch.jpg|thumb|left|upright|A [[Tomahawk (missile family)|Tomahawk cruise missile]] launches from the aft missile deck of [[USS Gonzalez (DDG-66)|USS ''Gonzalez'']] on 31 March 1999]]
=== Civilian Casualties ===
[[Image:090_albanian_graves_kosovo.jpg|thumb|Graves of Albanians killed by Serb security forces.]]
The war inflicted many casualties. Yugoslavia claimed that NATO attacks caused between 1,200 and 5,700 civilian casualties. [[Human Rights Watch]] counted a minimum of 500 civilian deaths in 90 separate incidents. NATO acknowledged killing at most 1,500 civilians. The majority of deaths appear to have been within Kosovo itself; there were up to 5,000 military casualties according to NATO estimates, while the Serbian figure is around 1,000. The exact number of Albanian civilians killed is unclear. Some [[mass grave]]s were also found in Serbia itself, on Yugoslav military bases or dumped in the Danube. The total number of Albanian dead is generally claimed to be around 10,000 although several foreign forensic teams were unable to verify the exact amount [http://shr.aaas.org/kosovo/icty_report.pdf] (PDF). One explanation is that some of the largest mass graves were cleared before the war's end in an apparent effort to obliterate potential war crimes evidence. The largest mass grave so far found is in Dragodan, an Albanian suburb of Priština; those bodies so far identified are of Gypsies and Albanians.
 
The NATO bombing campaign lasted from 24 March to 11 June 1999, involving up to 1,000 aircraft operating mainly from bases in [[Italy]] and aircraft carriers stationed in the [[Adriatic]]. [[Tomahawk (missile family)|Tomahawk]] [[cruise missile]]s were also extensively used, fired from aircraft, ships, and submarines. With the exception of Greece, all NATO members were involved to some degree. Over the ten weeks of the conflict, NATO aircraft flew over 38,000 combat missions. For the [[German Air Force]] (''Luftwaffe''), it was the second time it had participated in a conflict since World War II, after the [[Bosnian War]].
A study by [http://pdf.thelancet.com/pdfdownload?uid=llan.355.9222.original_research.1004.1&x=x.pdf The Lancet] (PDF), Vol 355, [[24 June]] [[2000]], estimated "12,000 (95% CI 5500 18 300) deaths in the total population"
 
The proclaimed goal of the NATO operation was summed up by its spokesman as "[[Serbs]] out, peacekeepers in, refugees back". That is, Yugoslav troops would have to leave Kosovo and be replaced by international peacekeepers to ensure that the Albanian refugees could return to their homes. The campaign was initially designed to destroy Yugoslav air defences and high-value military targets. It did not go very well at first, with bad weather hindering many sorties early on. NATO had seriously underestimated Milošević's will to resist: few in Brussels thought that the campaign would last more than a few days, and although the initial bombardment was not insignificant, it did not match the intensity of the bombing of Baghdad in 1991.
===Military casualties and losses===
[[Image:F-16_tail.jpg|thumb|300px|right|Tail and canopy of [[F-16C]] shot down on May the 2nd, [[1999]]. [[Belgrade Aviation Museum]], [[Serbia]].]]Military casualties on the NATO side were light &mdash; according to official reports the alliance suffered no fatalities as a result of combat operations. However, in the early hours of May 5th, an American military [[AH-64 Apache]] helicopter crashed not far from the border between Kosovo and Albania.<ref name="NATOlosses">[http://www.aeronautics.ru/official/losthelicopters.htm Officially confirmed/documented NATO helicopter losses].</ref> The crash according to the BBC occurred about 40 miles (75 km) northeast of [[Tirana]], Albania's capital, very close to Albanian/Kosovo border. <ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/335709.stm Two die in Apache crash, BBC News, May 5, 1999]</ref> According to [[CNN]] the crash happened 45 miles (75 km) northeast of Tirana <ref>[http://www.cnn.com/US/9905/05/apache.crash/ U.S. helicopter crew killed in crash in Albania, CNN, May 5, 1999]</ref>. The two American pilots of the helicopter Army [[Chief Warrant Officer]]s David Gibbs and Kevin L. Reichert died in that crash. They were the only NATO casualties during the war. There were other casualties after the war, mostly due to landmines. After the war, the alliance reported the loss of three helicopters, 32 [[UAV|unmanned air vehicles]] (UAVs) and five aircraft &mdash; all of them American, including the first US [[stealth plane]] (a [[F-117 Nighthawk|F-117]] stealth fighter) ever shot down by enemy fire. <ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj02/sum02/lambeth.html |title=Kosovo and the Continuing SEAD Challenge |accessmonthday=October 30 |accessyear=2006 |last=Lambeth |first=Benjamin S. |date=2006-06-03 |work=''Aerospace Power Journal'' |publisher=United States Air Force |quote="On the fourth night of air operations, an apparent barrage of SA-3s downed an F-117 at approximately 2045 over hilly terrain near Budanovci, about 28 miles northwest of Belgrade- marking the first combat loss ever of a stealth aircraft."}}</ref> Several of these were lost in accidents and not by enemy action. The Yugoslav armed forces claimed to have shot down seven helicopters, 30 UAVs, 61 planes and 238 cruise missiles. However, these figures were not verified independently and have little support among non-Yugoslav analysts.
 
NATO military operations switched increasingly to attacking Yugoslav units on the ground, hitting targets as small as individual tanks and artillery pieces, as well as continuing with the strategic bombardment. This activity was heavily constrained by politics, as each target needed to be approved by all nineteen member states. [[Montenegro]] was bombed on several occasions, but NATO eventually desisted to prop up the precarious position of its anti-Milošević leader, [[Milo Đukanović]].
Despite the heavy bombardment, NATO was surprised to find afterwards that the Serbian armed forces had survived in such good order. Around 50 Serbian aircraft were lost but only 14 tanks, 18 APCs and 20 artillery pieces.<ref>"The Kosovo Cover-Up" by John Barry and Evan Thomas, ''Newsveek'', May 15, 2000.</ref> Most of the targets hit in Kosovo were decoys, such as tanks made out of plastic sheets with telegraph poles for gun barrels. Anti-aircraft defences were preserved by the simple expedient of not turning them on, preventing NATO aircraft from detecting them but forcing them to keep above a ceiling of 15,000ft (5,000m), making accurate bombing much more difficult. Towards the end of the war, it was claimed that carpet bombing by [[B-52 Stratofortress|B-52]] aircraft had caused huge casualties among Serbian troops stationed along the Kosovo&ndash;Albania border. Careful searching by NATO investigators found no evidence of any such large-scale casualties.
 
[[File:Sremska mitrovica all force.jpg|thumb|Post-strike damage assessment of the [[Sremska Mitrovica]] ordnance storage depot, Serbia]]
===Military decorations===
As a result of the Kosovo War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation created a second NATO medal, the [[NATO Medal]] for Kosovo Service, an [[international military decoration]]. Shortly thereafter, NATO created the Non-Article 5 Medal for Balkans service to combine both Yugoslavian and Kosovo operations into one service medal.
 
At the start of May, a NATO aircraft attacked an Albanian refugee [[convoy]], believing it was a Yugoslav military convoy, killing around fifty people. NATO admitted its mistake five days later, and the Yugoslavs accused NATO of deliberately attacking the refugees.<ref>{{Cite web |title=NATO: We Mistakenly Bombed Refugees |url=https://apnews.com/article/9532e62d78904daa9c97983a37f40751 |access-date=2022-11-25 |website=AP NEWS |language=en}}</ref> A later report conducted by the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) opined that "civilians were not deliberately attacked in this incident", and that "neither the aircrew nor their commanders displayed the degree of recklessness in failing to take precautionary measures which would sustain criminal charges."<ref name=ICTYReport>{{cite web|title=Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia |publisher=UNICTY|url=http://www.icty.org/sid/10052#IVB4}}</ref> On 7 May, [[NATO Bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade|NATO bombs hit the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade]], killing three Chinese journalists and outraging Chinese public opinion. The United States and NATO later apologised for the bombing, saying that it occurred because of an outdated map provided by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], although this was challenged by a joint report from ''[[The Observer]]'' (UK) and ''[[Politiken]]'' ([[Denmark]]) newspapers,<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/Kosovo/Story/0,2763,203214,00.html|title=Nato bombed Chinese deliberately|first1=John|last1=Sweeney|first2=Jens|last2=Holsoe|first3=Ed|last3=Vulliamy |work=The Guardian|date=1999-10-17 |___location=London}}</ref> which claimed that NATO intentionally bombed the embassy because it was being used as a relay station for Yugoslav army radio signals. The report by the newspaper contradicts findings in the same report by the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|ICTY]] which stated that the root of the failures in target ___location "appears to stem from the land navigation techniques employed by an intelligence officer."<ref>{{cite web|title=Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|publisher=UNICTY|at=Para 82 |url=http://www.icty.org/sid/10052#IVB4}}</ref> In another incident at the [[Dubrava Prison Massacre|Dubrava prison]] in Kosovo in May 1999, the Yugoslav government attributed as many as 95 civilian deaths to NATO bombing of the facility after NATO cited Serbian and Yugoslav military activity in the area;{{sfn|Abrahams|2001|p=244}} a [[Human Rights Watch]] report later concluded that at least nineteen ethnic Albanian prisoners had been killed by the bombing, but that an uncertain number – probably more than 70 – were killed by Serbian Government forces in the days immediately following the bombing.{{sfn|Abrahams|2001|p=244}}
Due to the involvement of the [[United States armed forces]], a separate [[awards and decorations of the United States military|U.S. military decoration]], known as the [[Kosovo Campaign Medal]], was established by President [[Bill Clinton]] in the year [[2000]].
 
[[File:Нато бомбе изазивале еколошку катастрофу у Новом Саду.jpeg|thumb|left|Smoke in [[Novi Sad]] after NATO bombardment]]
 
By the start of April, the conflict appeared little closer to a resolution, and NATO countries began to seriously consider conducting ground operations in Kosovo. British prime minister [[Tony Blair]] was a strong advocate of ground forces and pressured the United States to agree; his strong stance caused some alarm in Washington as US forces would be making the largest contribution to any offensive.<ref name="Marr, Andrew page 550">Marr, Andrew; ''A History of Modern Britain'' (2008 printing); page 550</ref> US President Bill Clinton was extremely reluctant to commit US forces for a ground offensive. Instead, Clinton authorised a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] operation to look into methods to destabilise the Yugoslav government without training KLA troops.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9905/24/kosovo.01/|title=CIA reportedly authorized to develop ways to 'destabilize' Yugoslavian government|publisher=CNN|first1=Walter |last1=Rodgers |first2=Carl |last2=Rochelle |first3=Matthew |last3=Chance |date=1999-05-24|access-date=2008-07-22}}</ref> At the same time, [[Finland|Finnish]] and [[Russia]]n diplomatic negotiators continued to try to persuade Milošević to back down. Tony Blair would order 50,000 British soldiers to be made ready for a ground offensive: most of the available [[British Army]].<ref name="Marr, Andrew page 550" />
 
Milošević finally recognised that Russia would not intervene to defend Yugoslavia despite Moscow's strong anti-NATO rhetoric. He thus accepted the conditions offered by a Finnish–Russian mediation team and agreed to a military presence within Kosovo headed by the UN, but incorporating NATO troops.
 
The Norwegian special forces [[Hærens Jegerkommando]] and [[Forsvarets Spesialkommando]] cooperated with the KLA in gathering intelligence information. Preparing for an invasion on 12 June, [[Norway|Norwegian]] special forces worked with the KLA on the Ramno mountain on the border between North Macedonia and Kosovo and acted as scouts to monitor events in Kosovo. Together with British special forces, Norwegian special forces were the first to cross over the border into Kosovo. According to Keith Graves with the television network Sky News, the Norwegians were in Kosovo two days prior to the entry of other forces and were among the first into Pristina.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.vg.no/nyheter/utenriks/artikkel.php?artid=8665264|title=UCK hjalp norsk spesialstyrke|work=NTB|first1=Lise |last1=Åserud |first2=Gunnar |last2=Nyquist |date=1999-06-21|access-date=2008-10-08|language=no}}</ref> The Hærens Jegerkommando's and Forsvarets Spesialkommando's job was to clear the way between the contending parties and to make local deals to implement the peace deal between the Serbians and the Kosovo Albanians.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.aftenposten.no/english/local/article254448.ece?service=print |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081206164320/http://www.aftenposten.no/english/local/article254448.ece?service=print |url-status=dead |archive-date=2008-12-06 |title=Norway has forces in Afghanistan |work=Aftenposten English Web Desk |first=Nina |last=Berglund |date=2002-01-08 |access-date=2008-10-08 }} (Mentions work in Kosovo / Pristina)</ref><ref>{{cite book|first=Tom|last=Bakkeli|title=Norges Hemmelige Krigere / Norway's secret Warriors|isbn=978-82-489-0722-0|language=no |year=2007|publisher=Kagge }}</ref>
 
==Yugoslav army withdrawal and the entry of KFOR==
On 3 June 1999, Milošević accepted the terms of an international peace plan to end the fighting, with the national parliament adopting the proposal amid contentious debate with delegates coming close to fistfights at some points.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9906/03/kosovo.peace.04/|publisher=CNN|title=Milosevic accepts peace plan, Finnish envoy says|date=3 June 1999|access-date=7 May 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://nytimes.com/1999/06/04/opinion/the-kosovo-peace-plan.html |work=The New York Times |title=The Kosovo Peace Plan |date=4 June 1999 |access-date=7 May 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110605034712/http://nytimes.com/1999/06/04/opinion/the-kosovo-peace-plan.html |archive-date=5 June 2011 }}</ref> On 10 June, the [[North Atlantic Council]] ratified the agreement and suspended air operations.<ref>{{cite press release|title=Press statement by NATO Secretary General|publisher=NATO|date=10 June 1999|url=http://www.nato.int/kosovo/press/p990610a.htm}}</ref>
 
[[File:990628-M-5696S-025 - U.S. Marines march with local children down street of Zegra, Kosovo.jpg|thumb|US Marines walk with local Albanian children down the main street of Zegra on 28 June 1999]]
 
On 12 June, after Milošević accepted the conditions, the NATO-led [[NATO peacekeeping|peacekeeping]] [[Kosovo Force]] (KFOR) of 30,000 soldiers began entering Kosovo.<ref name="knoll05">{{cite journal |doi=10.1093/ejil/chi140|title=From Benchmarking to Final Status? Kosovo and the Problem of an International Administration's Open-Ended Mandate |year=2005 |last1=Knoll |first1=Bernhard |journal=European Journal of International Law |volume=16 |issue=4 |pages=637–660 |doi-access=free }}</ref> KFOR had been preparing to conduct combat operations, but in the end, its mission was only peacekeeping. The force was based upon the [[Allied Rapid Reaction Corps]] headquarters commanded by then Lieutenant General [[Mike Jackson (British Army officer)|Mike Jackson]] of the [[British Army]]. It consisted of British forces (a brigade built from 4th Armored and 5th Airborne Brigades), a [[French Army]] Brigade, a [[German Army]] brigade, which entered from the west, while other forces advanced from the south, and [[Italian Army]] and [[United States Army]] brigades.
 
The first NATO troops to enter Pristina on the 12th of June 1999 were [[Norway|Norwegian]] special forces from [[Forsvarets Spesialkommando]] (FSK) and soldiers from the [[United Kingdom|British]] [[Special Air Service]] 22 Regiment, although to NATO's diplomatic embarrassment Russian troops arrived at the airport first. Norwegian soldiers were the first to come into contact with Russian troops at the airport. FSK's mission was to level the negotiating field between the belligerent parties, and to fine-tune the detailed, local deals needed to implement the peace deal between the Serbians and the Kosovo Albanians.<ref>{{cite web |url= http://www.norli.no/webapp/wcs/stores/servlet/ProductDisplay?urlRequestType=Base&catalogId=10051&categoryId=&productId=1085065&errorViewName=ProductDisplayErrorView&urlLangId=-101&langId=-101&top_category=&parent_category_rn=&storeId=10651 |title=Krigere og diplomater {{!}} Norli |access-date=2018-12-05 |website= Norli.no |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160307042943/http://www.norli.no/webapp/wcs/stores/servlet/productdisplay?catalogid=10051&categoryid=&errorviewname=productdisplayerrorview&langid=-101&parent_category_rn=&productid=1085065&storeid=10651&top_category=&urllangid=-101&urlrequesttype=base |archive-date=2016-03-07 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url= http://www.norli.no/webapp/wcs/stores/servlet/ProductDisplay?urlRequestType=Base&catalogId=10051&categoryId=&productId=286391&errorViewName=ProductDisplayErrorView&urlLangId=-101&langId=-101&top_category=&parent_category_rn=&storeId=10651 |title= Norges hemmelige krigere |type=book product |access-date=2018-12-05 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140421051414/http://www.norli.no/webapp/wcs/stores/servlet/ProductDisplay?urlRequestType=Base&catalogId=10051&categoryId=&productId=286391&errorViewName=ProductDisplayErrorView&urlLangId=-101&langId=-101&top_category=&parent_category_rn=&storeId=10651 |archive-date=2014-04-21 |url-status=dead |isbn= 978-82-489-0839-5 |last1= Bakkeli |first1= Tom |year= 2008 |publisher= Kagge }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.vg.no/i/bKnG05|title=Britisk og norske soldater i Pristina|website=www.vg.no|date=12 June 1999 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.vg.no/i/L0AmRJ|title=Norske elitesoldater skamroses|website=www.vg.no|date=3 March 2000 }}</ref>
 
The US contribution, known as the Initial Entry Force, was led by the [[1st Armored Division (United States)|1st Armored Division]], commanded by Brigadier General Peterson, and was spearheaded by a platoon from the 2nd Battalion, [[505th Infantry Regiment (United States)|505th Parachute Infantry Regiment]] attached to the British Forces. Other units included 1st and 2nd Battalions of the [[10th Special Forces Group (United States)|10th Special Forces Group (Airborne)]] from [[Stuttgart]], [[Germany]] and [[Fort Carson]], [[Colorado]], TF 1–6 Infantry (1-6 infantry with C Co 1-35AR) from [[Baumholder|Baumholder, Germany]], the 2nd Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment from [[Fort Bragg]], [[North Carolina]], the [[26th Marine Expeditionary Unit]] from [[Camp Lejeune]], [[North Carolina]], the [[1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment]] from Schweinfurt, Germany, and [[Echo Troop 238th Cavalry|Echo Troop]], [[4th Cavalry Regiment (United States)|4th Cavalry Regiment]], also from Schweinfurt, Germany. Also attached to the US force was the [[Greek Army]]'s 501st Mechanised Infantry Battalion. The initial US forces established their area of operation around the towns of [[Uroševac]], the future [[Camp Bondsteel]], and [[Gjilan|Gnjilane]], at [[Camp Monteith]], and spent four months{{snd}}the start of a stay which continues to date{{snd}}establishing order in the southeast sector of Kosovo.
 
[[File:Defense.gov News Photo 990726-A-9985E-012.jpg|thumb|left|US soldiers escort a Serbian civilian from his home in Zitinje after finding an automatic weapon, 26 July 1999]]
 
During the initial incursion, the US soldiers were greeted by Albanians cheering and throwing flowers as US soldiers and KFOR rolled through their villages. Although no resistance was met, three US soldiers from the Initial Entry Force were killed in accidents.<ref>Sergeant William Wright&nbsp;– B Company 9th Engineers (17 July 1999); Specialist Sherwood Brim&nbsp;– B Company 9th Engineers (17 July 1999); Private First Class Benjamin McGill&nbsp;– C Company 1st Battalion 26th Infantry (5 August 1995).</ref>
 
On 1 October 1999, approximately 150 paratroopers from Alpha Company, 1/508th Airborne Battalion Combat Team from [[Vicenza]], [[Italy]] parachuted into [[Ferizaj|Uroševac]] as part of Operation Rapid Guardian. The purpose of the mission was primarily to warn Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević of NATO resolve and of its rapid military capability. One US soldier, [[United States Army Rangers|Army Ranger]] Sgt. Jason Neil Pringle, was killed during operations after his parachute failed to deploy. The paratroopers of the 1/508th then joined paratroopers of the [[82nd Airborne Division|82nd Airborne]] and KFOR in patrolling various areas of Kosovo, without incident, through 3 October 1999.
 
On 15 December 1999, Staff Sergeant Joseph Suponcic of 3rd Battalion/10th Special Forces Group (Airborne) was killed, when the [[Humvee|HMMWV]] in which he was a passenger struck an [[anti-tank mine]] planted by Albanians and meant for the Russian contingent with which SSG Suponcic's team was patrolling in [[Kamenica, Kosovo|Kosovska Kamenica]].
 
[[File:Defense.gov News Photo 000109-A-4385T-009.jpg|thumb|US soldiers maintain crowd control as Albanian residents of [[Vitina]] protest in the streets on 9 January 2000]]
 
Following the military campaign, the involvement of Russian peacekeepers proved to be tense and challenging to the NATO Kosovo force. The Russians expected to have an independent sector of Kosovo, only to be unhappily surprised with the prospect of operating under NATO command. Without prior communication or coordination with NATO, Russian peacekeeping forces entered Kosovo from [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]] and occupied [[Pristina International Airport Adem Jashari|Pristina International Airport]] ahead of the arrival of NATO forces. This resulted in [[Incident at Pristina airport|an incident]] during which NATO Supreme Commander Wesley Clark's wish to forcibly block the runways with NATO vehicles, to prevent any Russian reinforcement, was refused by KFOR commander [[General Sir Mike Jackson|General Mike Jackson]].<ref name=jackson>{{cite book |title=Soldier |first=Jackson |last=Mike |publisher=Transworld Publishers |year=2007 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/soldierautobiogr00jack/page/255 255–275] |isbn=978-0-593-05907-4 |url=https://archive.org/details/soldierautobiogr00jack/page/255 }}</ref>
 
In 2010, [[James Blunt]] described in an interview how his unit was given the assignment of securing Pristina during the advance of the 30,000-strong peacekeeping force and how the [[Russian Ground Forces|Russian Army]] had moved in and taken control of the city's airport before his unit's arrival. Blunt shared a part in the difficult task of addressing the potentially violent international incident. According to Blunt's account there was a stand-off with the Russians, and NATO Supreme Commander Clark gave provisional orders to over-power them. Whilst these were questioned by Blunt, they were rejected by General Jackson, with the now famous line, "I'm not having my soldiers responsible for starting [[World War III]]."<ref>{{cite news |title= Singer James Blunt 'prevented World War III'|publisher=BBC|date=14 November 2010}}</ref>
 
In June 2000, arms trading relations between Russia and Yugoslavia were exposed, which led to retaliation and bombings of Russian checkpoints and area police stations. [[Outpost Gunner]] was established on a high point in the Preševo Valley by Echo Battery 1/161 Field Artillery in an attempt to monitor and assist with peacekeeping efforts in the Russian Sector. Operating under the support of {{frac|2|3}} Field Artillery, 1st Armored Division, the Battery was able to successfully deploy and continuously operate a Firefinder Radar system, which allowed the NATO forces to keep a closer watch on activities in the Sector and the Preševo Valley. Eventually a deal was struck whereby Russian forces operated as a unit of KFOR but not under the NATO command structure.<ref name="bbc-airport">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/671495.stm|title=Confrontation over Pristina airport|access-date=2008-02-08|date=2000-03-09|publisher=BBC}}</ref>
 
==Reaction to the war==
[[File:Defense.gov News Photo 990618-D-2987S-101.jpg|thumb|Russian Minister of Defense Marshal [[Igor Sergeyev]] (seated left) and Secretary of Defense [[William S. Cohen]] (seated center) sign the agreed principles which are the basis for Russian participation in the international peacekeeping force ([[Kosovo Force|KFOR]]) in Kosovo at the Presidential Place in Helsinki, Finland, on June 18, 1999. Observing the signing are Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs [[Igor Ivanov]] (3rd from right), Finnish President [[Martti Ahtisaari]] (2nd from right) and Secretary of State [[Madeleine Albright]] (right).]]
Because of the country's restrictive media laws, the Yugoslav media carried little coverage of events in Kosovo, and the attitude of other countries to the humanitarian disaster that was occurring there. Thus, few members of the Yugoslav public expected NATO intervention, instead thinking that a diplomatic agreement would be reached.<ref>{{cite book|last=Judah|title=The Serbs|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-15826-7|page=327|year=2009}}</ref>
 
===Support for the war===
Support for the Kosovan War and, in particular, the [[Legitimacy of NATO bombing of Yugoslavia|legitimacy of NATO's bombing campaign]] came from a variety of sources. In a 2009 article, David Clark claimed "Every member of NATO, every EU country, and most of Yugoslavia's neighbours, supported military action."<ref name=Guardian/> Statements from the leaders of [[Bill Clinton|United States]], [[Václav Havel|Czech Republic]] and [[Tony Blair|United Kingdom]], respectively, described the war as one "upholding our values, protecting our interests, and advancing the cause of peace",<ref>{{cite web|last=Clinton|first=Bill|title=Statement on Kosovo (24 March 1999)|url=http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/detail/3932|publisher=Miller Center at the University of Virginia|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120924154814/http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/detail/3932|archive-date=24 September 2012|date=2016-11-21}}</ref> "the first war for values"<ref name=Guardian>{{cite news|last=Clark|first=David|title=Kosovo was a just war, not an imperialist dress rehearsal|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/apr/16/clark-kosovo-war-crimes|newspaper=The Guardian|date=16 April 2009|___location=London}}</ref> and one "to avert what would otherwise be a humanitarian disaster in [[Kosovo]]."<ref>{{cite news|last=Blair|first=Tony|title=Blair: 'We must act – to save thousands of innocent men, women and children'|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/mar/23/balkans.tonyblair|newspaper=The Guardian|date=23 March 1999|___location=London}}</ref> Others included the then UN Secretary General [[Kofi Annan]] who was reported by some sources as acknowledging that the NATO action was legitimate<ref name=CAForces>{{cite journal|last=Legault|first=Albert|title=NATO intervention in Kosovo: the legal context|journal=Canadian Military Journal|date=Spring 2000|page=64|url=http://www.journal.forces.gc.ca/vo1/no1/doc/63-66-eng.pdf}}</ref> who emphasised that there were times when the use of force was legitimate in the pursuit of peace<ref name=BBC>{{cite news|last=Devenport|first=Mark|title=Kofi Annan's delicate balance|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/special_report/1999/03/99/kosovo_strikes/318104.stm|publisher=BBC|date=13 April 1999}}</ref> though Annan stressed that the "[UN Security] Council should have been involved in any decision to use force."<ref name=BBC /> The distinction between the legality and legitimacy of the intervention was further highlighted in two separate reports. One was conducted by the [[Independent International Commission on Kosovo]], entitled ''The Kosovo Report'',<ref name=KosovoReport>{{cite web|title=The Kosovo Report|url=http://sitemaker.umich.edu/drwcasebook/files/the_kosovo_report_and_update.pdf|publisher=U Michigan|access-date=2018-11-26|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140808211326/http://sitemaker.umich.edu/drwcasebook/files/the_kosovo_report_and_update.pdf|archive-date=2014-08-08|url-status=dead}}</ref> which found that:
 
{{blockquote|[Yugoslav] forces were engaged in a well-planned campaign of terror and expulsion of the Kosovar Albanians. This campaign is most frequently described as one of "ethnic cleansing," intended to drive many, if not all, Kosovar Albanians from Kosovo, destroy the foundations of their society, and prevent them from returning.}}
 
It concluded that "the NATO military intervention was illegal but legitimate",<ref name=UMich>{{cite web|title=The Kosovo Report|url=http://sitemaker.umich.edu/drwcasebook/files/the_kosovo_report_and_update.pdf|publisher=U Michigan|pages=2–3, 58–66|access-date=2018-11-26|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140808211326/http://sitemaker.umich.edu/drwcasebook/files/the_kosovo_report_and_update.pdf|archive-date=2014-08-08|url-status=dead}}</ref> The second report was published by the NATO Office of Information and Press<ref>{{cite web|last=Kumbaro|first=Dajena|title=The Kosovo crisis in an international law perspective: self-determination, territorial integrity and the NATO intervention|url=http://www.nato.int/acad/fellow/99-01/kumbaro.pdf|publisher=NATO Office of Information and Press|date=16 June 2001}}</ref> which reported that, "the human rights violations committed on a large scale in Kosovo provide an incontestable ground with reference to the humanitarian aspect of NATO's intervention."<ref>{{cite web|last=Kumbaro|first=Dajena|title=The Kosovo crisis in an international law perspective: self-determination, territorial integrity and the NATO intervention|url=http://www.nato.int/acad/fellow/99-01/kumbaro.pdf|publisher=NATO Office of Information and Press|date=16 June 2001|page=63}}</ref> Some critics note that NATO did not have the backing of the [[United Nations Security Council]] meant that its intervention had no legal basis, but according to some legal scholars, "there are nonetheless certain bases for that action that are not legal, but justified."<ref name="CAForces" />
 
[[File:Eksodi 99 Kukes.JPG|thumb|Kosovo Albanian refugees in 1999]]
Aside from politicians and diplomats, commentators and intellectuals also supported the war. [[Michael Ignatieff]] called NATOs intervention a "morally justifiable response to ethnic cleansing and the resulting flood of refugees, and not the cause of the flood of refugees"<ref>{{cite journal|last=Mellon|first=James G.|title=Review Essays: Ethics, Diplomacy and Intervention in Kosovo|journal=Journal of Conflict Studies|date=Winter 2001|volume=XXI|issue=2}}</ref> while [[Christopher Hitchens]] said NATO intervened only, "when Serbian forces had resorted to mass deportation and full-dress ethnic 'cleansing.{{' "}}<ref>{{cite news|last=Hitchens|first=Christopher|title=South Ossetia Isn't Kosovo|url=http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/fighting_words/2008/08/south_ossetia_isnt_kosovo.html|newspaper=Slate|date=Aug 18, 2008}}</ref> Writing in ''[[The Nation]]'', [[Richard A. Falk]] wrote that, "the NATO campaign achieved the removal of Yugoslav military forces from Kosovo and, even more significant, the departure of the dreaded Serbian paramilitary units and police"<ref>{{cite news|last=Falk|first=Richard|title=Kosovo Revisited|url=http://www.thenation.com/article/kosovo-revisited|newspaper=The Nation|date=22 March 2000}}</ref> while an article in ''[[The Guardian]]'' wrote that for [[Mary Kaldor]], Kosovo represented a laboratory on her thinking for human security, humanitarian intervention and international peacekeeping, the latter two which she defined as, "a genuine belief in the equality of all human beings; and this entails a readiness to risk lives of peacekeeping troops to save the lives of others where this is necessary."<ref>{{cite news|last=Tran|first=Mark|title=The international community makes a terrible mess wherever it goes|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/apr/01/mary.kaldor.interview|newspaper=The Guardian|date=1 April 2008|___location=London}}</ref> Reports stated there had been no peace between Albanians and Serbs, citing the deaths of 1,500 Albanians and displacement of 270,000 prior to NATO intervention.<ref name=Guardian />
 
===Criticism of the case for war===
The NATO intervention has been seen as a political diversionary tactic, coming as it did on the heels of the [[Monica Lewinsky scandal]], pointing to the fact that coverage of the bombing directly replaced coverage of the scandal in US news cycles.<ref name="Foerstel">[https://archive.org/details/fromwatergatetom00foer/page/132 From Watergate to Monicagate: ten controversies in modern journalism and media] By Herbert N. Foerstel, pp. 131–135.</ref> [[Herbert Foerstel]] points out that before the bombing, rather than there being an unusually bloody conflict, the KLA was not engaged in a widespread war against Yugoslav forces and the death toll among all concerned (including ethnic Albanians) skyrocketed following NATO intervention.<ref name="Foerstel" /> In a post-war report released by the [[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe]], the organization also noted "the pattern of the expulsions and the vast increase in lootings, killings, rape, kidnappings and pillage once the NATO air war began on March 24".<ref>{{cite news |last1=Bancroft |first1=Ian |title=Serbia's anniversary is a timely reminder |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/mar/24/serbia-kosovo |work=The Guardian |date=24 March 2009}}</ref>
 
[[Noam Chomsky]] argues that the bombing was "not undertaken in “response” to ethnic cleansing and to “reverse” it, as leaders alleged", but rather that "with full awareness of the likely consequences, Clinton and Blair decided in favor of a war that led to a radical escalation of ethnic cleansing along with other deleterious effects."<ref>{{cite book |title=The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo |first=Noam |last=Chomsky |author-link=Noam Chomsky |year=1999 |publisher=Common Courage Press |___location=Monroe, ME |isbn=1-56751-176-7 |page=16}}</ref> Chomsky also notes, similarly to Foerstel, that the number of casualties in the war before the bombing constituted a small number. He concludes that it is impossible to justify the bombing, as there "could be no reasonable expectation of massive ethnic cleansing and violence".<ref>{{cite journal |title=The Kosovo War: Causes and Justification |author-link= John A. Vasquez |first=John A. |last=Vasquez |journal=The International History Review |year=2002 |volume=24 |issue=1 |pages=103–112 |publisher=Taylor & Francis, Ltd. |doi= 10.1080/07075332.2002.9640959 |jstor= 40110035 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40110035|url-access=subscription }}</ref> According to Chomsky, the [[Račak massacre]] that was considered a turning point for NATO amounted to 45 deaths, a very low number compared to the atrocities committed from both sides after the bombing. According to the [[International Herald Tribune]], "U.S. intelligence reported ... that the Kosovo rebels intended to draw NATO into its fight for independence by provoking Serbian forces into further atrocities."<ref name="oconnell">{{cite journal |title=Responsibility to Peace: A Critique of R2P |first=Mary Ellen |last=O'Connell |year=2010 |journal=Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding |volume=4 |issue=1 |pages=39–52 |doi=10.1080/17502970903541671 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17502970903541671|url-access=subscription }}</ref>
 
U.S. President Clinton, his administration and NATO governments were accused of inflating the number of Kosovo Albanians killed by state forces.<ref>{{cite news|first=Phyllis|last=Schlafly|date=1999-10-19|title=Numbers Game in Kosovo|work=[[The Washington Times]]}}</ref> During the NATO bombing campaign, the then Secretary of Defense, [[William Cohen]] claimed that 100,000 Kosovo Albanian men of military age were missing, possibly murdered.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Steele |first1=Jonathan |title=Serb killings 'exaggerated' by west |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2000/aug/18/balkans3 |work=The Guardian |date=18 August 2000}}</ref> The conservative<ref>* "Follow-Up: Interview With Accuracy in Media Editor Cliff Kincaid", ''[[The O'Reilly Factor]]'', [[Fox News Channel]], 8 February 2005. (Transcript available via [http://www.lexisnexis.com LexisNexis])
* Stephen Miller, "Reed Irvine, 82, Founded Accuracy in Media", ''[[New York Sun]]'', 18 November 2004.
* Douglas Martin, "Murray Baron, 94, Labor Lawyer And Head of Accuracy in Media", ''The New York Times'', 26 September 2002.
* "Defining Bias Downward", ''[[Columbia Journalism Review]]'', January/February 2005.
* Steve Rendall. [http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=2053 The Fairness Doctrine] ''[[Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting]]'' January/February 2005</ref> media watchdog group [[Accuracy in Media]] charged the alliance with distorting the situation in Kosovo and lying about the number of civilian deaths in order to justify U.S. involvement in the conflict.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Irvine |first1=Reed |last2=Kincaid |first2=Cliff |title=Deceit And Lies Over Kosovo |url=https://www.aim.org/media-monitor/deceit-and-lies-over-kosovo/ |website=aim.org |publisher=Accuracy in Media |date=24 November 1999 |access-date=13 September 2019 |archive-date=29 March 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220329010712/https://www.aim.org/media-monitor/deceit-and-lies-over-kosovo/ |url-status=dead }}</ref>
 
After the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, Chinese President [[Jiang Zemin]] said that the US was using its economic and military superiority to aggressively expand its influence and interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. Chinese leaders called the NATO campaign a dangerous precedent of naked aggression, a new form of colonialism, and an aggressive war groundless in morality or law. It was seen as part of a plot by the US to destroy Yugoslavia, expand eastward and control all of Europe.<ref name="Frederking2007">{{cite book|last=Frederking|first=Brian|title=The United States and the Security Council: Collective Security Since the Cold War|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kzNFT_7HcR4C&pg=PA148|access-date=17 February 2014|year=2007|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-77076-7|page=148}}</ref>
 
The [[Charter of the United Nations|United Nations Charter]] does not allow military interventions in other sovereign countries with few exceptions which, in general, need to be decided upon by the United Nations Security Council; this legal enjoinment has proved controversial with many<ref name=CAForces /><ref name=KosovoReport /><ref name=UMich /> legal scholars who argue that though the Kosovo War was illegal, it was still legitimate. The issue was brought before the UN Security Council by Russia, in a draft resolution which, ''inter alia'', would affirm "that such unilateral use of force constitutes a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter". China, Namibia, and Russia voted for the resolution, the other members against, thus it failed to pass.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/1999/19990326.sc6659.html|date=1999-03-26|publisher=United Nations|title=Security Council Rejects Demand for Cessation of Use of Force Against Federal Republic of Yugoslavia}}</ref>
 
The war inflicted many casualties. Already by March 1999, an estimated 1,500–2,000 civilians and combatants were dead.<ref name="HRW1">{{cite web|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/undword-03.htm|title=Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo|publisher=[[Human Rights Watch]]}}</ref> However, estimates showed that prior to the bombing campaign on 24 March 1999, approximately 1,800 civilians had been killed in the Kosovo war, mostly Albanians but also Serbs and that there had been no evidence of genocide or ethnic cleansing.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Layne |first1=Christopher |last2=Schwarz |first2=Benjamin |title=Was It A Mistake? |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/WPcap/2000-03/26/081r-032600-idx.html |newspaper=The Washington Post |date=26 March 2000}}</ref> By November 1999, 2,108 victims had been exhumed from the province with a total approaching 3,000 expected, but it was unclear how many were civilians and combatants, while the number was also far from the 10,000 minimum civilian death figure cited by Western officials.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Pearl |first1=Daniel |title=U.N. Has Found 2,108 Bodies So Far in Kosovo Mass Graves |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB942277175333820400 |work=The Wall Street Journal |date=11 November 1999}}</ref> Final estimates of the casualties are still unavailable for either side.
 
Perhaps the most controversial deliberate attack of the war was that made against the headquarters of [[Radio Television of Serbia|RTS]], Serbian public radio and television, on 23 April 1999, which killed at least fourteen people.<ref name="New York Times">{{cite news | url=https://www.nytimes.com/2000/06/08/world/rights-group-says-nato-bombing-in-yugoslavia-violated-law.html | title=Rights Group Says NATO Bombing in Yugoslavia Violated Law | newspaper=The New York Times | date=8 June 2000 | access-date=20 September 2015}}</ref>
 
Privately, NATO European members were divided about the aims and necessity of the war.<ref name="Norris9"/> Most European allies did not trust the motives of Kosovan Albanians and according to NATO General Wesley Clark, "There was a sense among some that NATO was fighting on the wrong side" in a war between Christians and Muslims.<ref name="Norris9"/>
 
== Democratic League of Kosovo and FARK ==
The [[Democratic League of Kosovo]] (DLK) led by [[Ibrahim Rugova]] had been the leading political entity in Kosovo since its creation in 1989. Its parallel government in exile was led by [[Bujar Bukoshi]], and its Minister of Defence until 1998 was the former Yugoslav colonel Ahmet Krasniqi.{{sfn|Elsie|2010|p=44}} DLK politicians opposed the armed conflict and were not ready to accept KLA as a political factor in the region and tried to persuade the population not to support it.<ref name="Qosja1999">{{cite book|first=Rexhep|last=Qosja|title=Paqja e përgjakshme: konferenca Ndërkombëtare për Kosovën, Rambuje 6–23. 2. 1999, Paris 14–19. 3. 1999|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uWy5AAAAIAAJ|year=1999|publisher=Botimet Toena|isbn=978-99927-1-217-7|quote=e në anën tjetër propaganda e tmerrshme e disa partive, sidomos e udhëheqjeve të tyre, krejt e organizuar prej udhëheqjes së LDK-së! Jo vetëm se nuk jepeshin para për luftë, por bëheshin përpjekje, të hapta e të fshehta, për rrënimin e Ushtrisë Çlirimtare të Kosovës. |page=195|author-link=Rexhep Qosja}}</ref> At one point Rugova even claimed that it was set up by Serbian intelligence as an excuse to invade,<ref name="Leonard2006">{{cite book|first=Thomas M.|last=Leonard|title=Encyclopedia of the Developing World|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eq_Wma6nNfgC&pg=PA138|year=2006|publisher=Taylor & Francis|isbn=978-0-415-97662-6|page=138|quote=...and at one point Rugova claimed that it was set up by Serbia as an excuse to invade.}}</ref> or to discredit DLK itself.<ref name="PhillipsBurns2012"/> Nevertheless, the support for KLA even within DLK membership and specifically in the diaspora grew, together with the dissatisfaction with and antagonism toward DLK.<ref name="ArtCronin2003">{{cite book|first1=Robert J.|last1=Art|first2=Patrick M.|last2=Cronin|title=The United States and Coercive Diplomacy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=k0XhXp3EcM8C&pg=PA76|year=2003|publisher=US Institute of Peace Press|isbn=978-1-929223-45-9|pages=76–|quote=By March 1998 "dissatisfaction" with and "antagonism" toward Rugova were evident in the actions of some prominent Kosovar Albanian political figures and in mass street demonstrations, leading one Albanian commentator for the local Helsinki Committee to conclude that "the bellogenrent option is gaining more followers, at the expense of the peaceful one.}}</ref> KLA initial personnel were members or former members of the DLK.<ref name="PhillipsBurns2012">{{cite book|first1=David L.|last1=Phillips|first2=Nicholas|last2=Burns|title=Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and U.S. Intervention|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X5sa90AEvi0C&pg=PA69|year=2012|publisher=MIT Press|isbn=978-0-262-30512-9|page=69| quote=He insisted that the KLA was "a creation of the Serb security forces". He was convinced that "the whole thing was a hoax orchestrated by Serb police to discredit the LDK"...&nbsp;Initial KLA supporters were disgruntled members of the LDK...Jakup Krasniqi, the KLA spokesman explains: "Everyone originally supported the LDK. I was an LDK member.}}</ref><ref name="Karadjis2000">{{cite book|first=Mike|last=Karadjis|title=Bosnia, Kosova & the West|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fEpOL35TxD0C&pg=PA178|year=2000|publisher=Resistance Books|isbn=978-1-876646-05-9|page=178| quote=...the fact that so much of Rugova's LDK and members of the non-violent movement, long admired for their "moderation", had joined KLA... }}</ref> With the changes of the international stance towards KLA and its recognition as a factor in the conflict, DLK's position also shifted. The [[Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosovo]], known as FARK, were established in order to place DLK as a military factor in addition to a political one. A parallel paramilitary structure such as FARK was not received well by the KLA.
 
On 21 September 1998 Ahmet Krasniqi was shot in [[Tirana]].<ref name="PettiferVickers2007"/> Those responsible were not found, although several theories emerged. The [[Democratic Party of Albania]] and its leader [[Sali Berisha]], strong supporters of DLK and FARK, accused [[SHIK]] and the Albanian government, which was supporting the KLA,<ref>{{cite book|first1=Florian|last1=Bieber|first2=Zidas|last2=Daskalovski |title=Understanding the War in Kosovo |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6OiQAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA291|year=2004|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-76155-4|pages=291–| quote=As shown earlier, the relations between Rugova and the Socialist-led government had deteriorated due to the foreign policy pursued by the Socialists but also by the latter's support of Hashim Thaci, former political leader of KLA...}}</ref> of being responsible.<ref name="PettiferVickers2007"/> FARK was never a determining factor in the war and was not involved in any battles. It did not number more than few hundred men, and it did not show any commitment to fighting the Serbs, accepting a broader autonomy as a solution rather than independence.<ref name="PettiferVickers2007">{{cite book|first1=James|last1=Pettifer|first2=Miranda|last2=Vickers|title=The Albanian Question: Reshaping the Balkans|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yuh2NebIN3oC&pg=PA168 |year= 2007 |publisher =I.B. Tauris |isbn= 978-1-86064-974-5 |pages=166–168 | quote=Although never numbering more than a few hundred soldiers... In contrast, as far as the KLA were concerned, FARK had a dubious commitment to fighting the Serbs, and was content to settle for greater autonomy rather than full independence for Kosova... Berisha seems, unwisely, to have relied on support from FARK for manpower in his attempt to overthrow the government. ...In a further dramatic development on the same day, the chief commander of FARK, Ahmet Krasniqi, was shot and killed by two masked gunmen in Tirana...Although no person has been arrested so far for the killing of Krasniqi, the incident served to focus attention on the activities of Kosovars involved in the war in Kosova who were coordinating their activities increasingly from Tirana. ...there were numerous theories as to who killed Krasniqi. Democrats were insistent that the FARK commander, who was residing temporarily in Tirana, was assassinated by the Albanian intelligence service, the SHIK... }}</ref> Some of the FARK officers were incorporated later under the KLA umbrella.<ref>{{cite book|first1=Mikael|last1=Eriksson|first2=Roland|last2=Kostić|title=Mediation and Liberal Peacebuilding: Peace from the Ashes of War?|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EuVWELK7awsC&pg=PA43 |year=2013 |publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-136-18916-6|pages=43–| quote=However, as the KLA received eventually greater support, locally and internationally, parts of the FARK were incorporated under the KLA umbrella.}}</ref> Besides FARK, DLK would also politically and diplomatically oppose KLA and their methods. In a meeting with US President Clinton on 29 May 1999,<ref name="Crawford2003">{{cite book|first=Timothy W. |last=Crawford|year=2003|title=Pivotal Deterrence: Third-party Statecraft and the Pursuit of Peace |url=https://archive.org/details/pivotaldeterrenc00craw|url-access=registration |publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0-8014-4097-7|pages=[https://archive.org/details/pivotaldeterrenc00craw/page/179 179]–| quote=On 29 May Rugova met with Clinton in Washington...}}</ref> Rugova, accompanied by [[Fehmi Agani]], Bukoshi, and [[Veton Surroi]], accused KLA of being a left-wing ideology bearer, and some of its leaders as being "nostalgic to known communist figures, such as [[Enver Hoxha]]",<ref>{{citation |language=sq|url=http://www.albanianamericanvision.com/archives/821|quote=Dihet gjithashtu që Rugova shkoi deri tek Presidenti Bill Klinton, më 28 maj 1998, i shoqëruar prej Fehmi Aganit, Bujar Bukoshit dhe Veton Surroi, për t'i kundërvënë UÇK-së edhe Amerikën, duke i thënë: "Grupet e armatosura në Kosovë, përgjithësishtë kanë pikpamje të majta, pra janë nga ata që kanë patur ide të majta, drejtohen nga njerëz që edhe sot e kësaj dite kanë nostalgji për ish figura të njohura komuniste, si për shëmbëll për Enver Hoxhën"|title=Jo shtatore ne Tirane atij qe nuk luftoi per clirimin e Kosoves|trans-title=Not a monument in Tirana for him who did not fight for Kosovo liberation|first=Dilaver|last=Goxhaj|date=2016-01-23 |publisher=AAV|access-date=2016-02-26 |url-status=dead|archive-date=2016-03-07|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160307183740/http://www.albanianamericanvision.com/archives/821}}</ref> referring to the [[People's Movement of Kosovo]] (LPK) nucleus of KLA,<ref>{{citation|last1=Liebknecht|first1=Rosa|title=Inside the KLA|quote=In particular, it appears to have connections with the National Movement of Kosova, which was formed in 1982.|publisher=[[International Viewpoint]]|date=10 April 1992|url=http://www.kosovo.net/kla6a.html|access-date=26 February 2016|archive-date=3 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303215144/http://www.kosovo.net/kla6a.html|url-status=dead}}</ref> an old underground rival with strong [[left-wing]] orientation.<ref>{{harvnb|Mincheva|Gurr|2013|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=vFNwrdnzQq0C&pg=PA27 27]}}: "The political entity that helped fund the KLA was People's Movement of Kosovo (LPK), a rival underground movement to Ibrahim Rugova's LDK."</ref><ref>{{Citation|last1 = Lorimer|first1 = Doug|title = NATO's Balkan War and the Kosova Liberation Struggle|publisher = Democratic Socialist Perspective – The Activist – Volume 9|date = 14 June 1999|url = http://www.dsp.org.au/node/117 |quote = In an interview in April this year with a left-wing British magazine, Pleurat Sejdiiu, the diplomatic representative of the KLA in London, explained that the KLA had been formed in 1993 as the military wing of the Hoxhaite People's Movement of Kosova, the LPK. Sejdiiu, a member of the LPK since 1985, said that this decision had been made because of the LPK's frustration with the ineffectiveness of the passive civil disobedience line of the dominant Kosovar party, Ibrahim Rugova's Democratic League of Kosova, the LDK. Sejdiiu said: With the creation of the KLA, the LDK, especially Rugova, started accusing the KLA of being a bunch of people linked to the Serbian state security. Roguva was saying that Serbia had an interest in destabilising us all. That was pure demagoguery because Serbia had it in hand, they didn't need any destabilisation and they controlled everything. So we have actually to fight on two fronts. As well as the military campaign we had to fight politically against the LDK as the main force who has been opposed to any other methods than peaceful means, while all the time only sitting in their offices, having meetings and press conferences. They have even been against the student organisation having mass demonstrations. But oppression in Kosova went on all the time, growing day by day and the ranks of the KLA began to grow from those people who actually started with the idea that the only way to get our independence was armed struggle.|access-date=26 February 2016|url-status=dead|archive-date=29 February 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160229065047/http://www.dsp.org.au/node/117}}</ref>
 
Rugova was present at the negotiations held in [[Château de Rambouillet|Rambouillet]] and supported the [[Rambouillet Agreement]] since the first round, but without any influence.<ref name="Chang2013">{{cite book|author=Chih-Hann Chang|year= 2013|title=Ethical Foreign Policy?: US Humanitarian Interventions |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iuOhAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA136|publisher=Ashgate Publishing|isbn=978-1-4094-8943-6|pages=136–|quote=Thaci was the main opponent of signing the agreement, while Rugova had minimal influence at the talks...When both parties returned to Paris in mid-March, the Kosovar Albanian delegation signed the accord...}}</ref> Following the ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population, there was close to a total Albanian support for the NATO campaign, including the DLK side. Surprisingly, Ibrahim Rugova showed up in Belgrade as a guest of Milosevic. At a joint TV appearance on 1 April,<ref name="Jeffries2003"/> ending in a Rugova-Milosevic handshake, Rugova asked for a peaceful solution and the bombings to stop.<ref>{{harvnb|Krieger|2001|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=-OhPTJn8ZWoC&pg=PA485 485–]}}: "...the appeal for stopping the NATO strikes has come from Ibrahim Rugova, the acknowledged leader of the Kosovo Albanians."</ref><ref name="Kola2003">{{cite book|first=Paulin|last=Kola|title=The search for Greater Albania |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FGVpAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Hurst & Co.|page=360|year=2003| isbn=978-1850656647 |oclc=52978026| quote=To complicate matters further for NATO, Rugova's first pronouncements confirmed fears that the Albanian leader was sticking to a deal with Milosevic. }}</ref> In the same conference, Millosevic presented his proposal for Kosovo as part of a three-unit federal Yugoslavian state. Rugova's presence in Belgrade scattered another set of accusations from KLA and its supporters. Besides being 'passive' and 'too peaceful', Rugova and DLK were accused as 'traitors'.<ref name="Radu">{{cite book|first=Michael|last=Radu|title=Dilemmas of Democracy and Dictatorship: Place, Time and Ideology in Global Perspective|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rWp5F3T6a-8C&pg=PA123 |publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-2171-1|page=123| quote=...although Rugova's recent meeting with Milosevic may well have been under duress, the KLA declared Rugova a "traitor"...|year=2005}}</ref> Following Rugova's passage to Italy on 5 May, Rugova claimed that he had been under duress and any "agreement" with Milosovic had no meaning.<ref name="Jeffries2003">{{cite book|first=Ian|last=Jeffries |title=The Former Yugoslavia at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century: A Guide to the Economies in Transition|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sl-BAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA474|year=2003 |publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-134-46050-2|pages=474–| quote=Also on 1 April 1999, the Yugoslav state television showed a meeting between Milosevic and Rugova. On 5 May Ibrahim Rugova and his family flew to Rome... says he was acting under duress when he backed Slobodan Milošević's call for an end to NATO's strikes...Mr Rugova ... [said] that the agreement had no meaning... }}</ref> The general opinion expected the DLK structures and its leader to vanish from the political scene of Kosovo after the Yugoslav withdrawal. Rugova himself stayed out of Kosovo for several weeks, while the prime-minister Bukoshi and other leading membership returned. With only a fraction of Kosovo Albanians participating actively in the war, the support for DLK increased again as a way of opposing the arrogance of many KLA leaders who openly engaged in controlling the economical and political life within the vacuum created right before the deployment of the [[United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo]] (UNMIK).<ref>{{citation| url=https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/120-kosovo-landmark-election-albanian.pdf| quote=Shumica menduan se partia dhe udhëheqësi i saj do të zhdukeshin politikisht pas fushatës së bombardimeve të NATO-s në 1999. Gjatë bombardimeve, Rugova u filmua në një takim me ish-presidentin jugosllav Sllobodan Millosheviç, dhe u akuzua nga disa si tepër paqësor. Pas bombardimeve UÇK-ja veproi me shpejtësi për të plotësuar boshllëkun e lënë nga ikja e forcave serbe, ndërsa Rugova edhe për disa javë qëndroi jashtë vendit. Megjithatë, vetëm një pakicë e shqiptarëve të Kosovës morën pjesë aktive në UÇK. Besnikëria ndaj LDK-së dhe Rugovës u rikthye ballë zmbrapsjes ndaj arrogancës së UÇK-së shfaqur në dëshirën për të kontrolluar ekonominë dhe politikën në kaosin para krijimit të UNMIK-ut. Pozicioni mbizotërues i LDK-së në zgjedhjet e tetorit 2000, e risolli atë si forcën mbizotëruese politike të Kosovës.| language=sq| title=Kosova: Zgjedhje Historike| trans-title=Kosovo: Historic Elections| date=2001-11-21| publisher=[[International Crisis Group]]| page=9| access-date=29 November 2016| archive-date=30 November 2016| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161130041813/https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/120-kosovo-landmark-election-albanian.pdf| url-status=dead}}</ref> In the October 2000 local elections, DLK was confirmed as the leading political party.<ref name=smith/>
 
The feud between KLA and DLK continued in the post-war Kosovo. Many political activists of DLK were assassinated and the perpetrators not found, including [[Xhemajl Mustafa]], Rugova's most trusted aide.<ref name=smith>[[R. Jeffrey Smith]], "Outspoken Kosovo activist gunned down in stairwell". ''[[Toronto Star]]'' via ''[[Washington Post]]'', 24 November 2000: A18.</ref>
 
==Casualties==
 
===Civilian losses===
In June 2000, the [[Red Cross]] reported that 3,368 civilians (mainly Kosovar Albanians, but with several hundred Serbs, and Roma) were still missing, nearly one year after the conflict, most of whom it concluded had to be 'presumed dead'.<ref name="BBC-missing">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/781310.stm|publisher=BBC|title=3,000 missing in Kosovo|date=2000-06-07}}</ref>
 
A study by researchers from the [[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] in [[Atlanta]], Georgia published in 2000 in medical journal [[the Lancet]] estimated that "12,000 deaths in the total population" could be attributed to war.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://pdf.thelancet.com/pdfdownload?uid=llan.355.9222.original_research.1004.1&x=x.pdf |archive-url=http://webarchive.loc.gov/all/20050416071947/http://pdf.thelancet.com/pdfdownload?uid=llan.355.9222.original_research.1004.1&x=x.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-date=2005-04-16 |title=Casualties in Kosovo |work=[[The Lancet]] |date=2000-06-24 |access-date=2004-10-29 }}</ref> This number was achieved by surveying 1,197 households from February 1998 through June 1999. 67 out of the 105 deaths reported in the sample population were attributed to war-related [[Physical trauma|trauma]], which extrapolates to be 12,000 deaths if the same war-related mortality rate is applied to Kosovo's total population. The highest mortality rates were in men between 15 and 49 (5,421 victims of war) as well as for men over 50 (5,176 victims). For persons younger than 15, the estimates were 160 victims for males and 200 for females.<ref>{{Cite journal |date=24 June 2004 |title=War and mortality in Kosovo, 1998–99: an epidemiological testimony |journal=Lancet|pmid=10881894 |last1=Spiegel |first1=P. B. |last2=Salama |first2=P. |volume=355 |issue=9222 |pages=2204–2209 |doi=10.1016/S0140-6736(00)02404-1 |s2cid=14632097 }}</ref> For women between 15 and 49 the estimate is that there were 510 victims; older than 50 years the estimate is 541 victims. The authors stated that it was not "possible to differentiate completely between civilian and military casualties".
 
In the 2008 joint study by the [[Humanitarian Law Centre]] (an NGO from Serbia and Kosovo), The International Commission on Missing Persons, and the Missing Person Commission of Serbia made a name-by-name list of war and post-war victims. According to the updated 2015 Kosovo Memory Book, 13,535 people were killed or missing due to the Kosovo conflict, from 1 January 1998 up until December 2000. Of these, 10,812 were Albanians, 2,197 Serbs and 526 Roma, Bosniaks, Montenegrins and others. 10,317 civilians were killed or went missing, of whom 8,676 were Albanians, 1,196 Serbs and 445 Roma and others. The remaining 3,218 dead or missing were combatants, including 2,131 members of the KLA and FARK, 1,084 members of Serbian forces and 3 members of KFOR.<ref name="presentation"/> As of 2019, the book had been updated to a total of 13,548.<ref name="presentation"/> In August 2017, the [[Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights|UN High Commissioner for Human Rights]] reported that between 1998 and 1999, more than 6,000 people had gone missing in Kosovo, and that 1,658 remained missing, with neither the person nor the body having, at that time, been found.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/MissingPersonsInKosovo.aspx|title=OHCHR &#124; Missing persons receive renewed attention in Kosovo|website=www.ohchr.org}}</ref>
 
====Civilians killed by NATO airstrikes====
{{Main|Civilian casualties during Operation Allied Force}}
[[File:Грделичка клисура мост.JPG|thumb|Railway bridge and monument to civilian victims of a NATO airstrike on a passenger train in 1999, in which 12 to 16 civilian passengers died]]
 
Yugoslavia claimed that NATO attacks caused between 1,200 and 5,700 civilian casualties. NATO's Secretary General, [[George Robertson, Baron Robertson of Port Ellen|Lord Robertson]], wrote after the war that "the actual toll in human lives will never be precisely known" but he then offered the figures found in a report by [[Human Rights Watch]] as a reasonable estimate. This report counted between 488 and 527 civilian deaths (90 to 150 of them killed from cluster bomb use) in 90 separate incidents, the worst of which were the 87 Albanian refugees who perished at the hands of NATO bombs, near Koriša.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.nato.int/kosovo/repo2000/conduct.htm#TopOfPage|title=Kosovo One Year On: Achievement and Challenge, by Lord Robertson of Port Ellen, Secretary General of NATO|publisher=[[NATO]]|date=March 2000}}</ref>
 
====Civilians killed by Yugoslav forces====
[[File:RCMP in Kosovo.jpg|thumb|left|[[Royal Canadian Mounted Police]] (RCMP) officers investigate an alleged [[mass grave]], alongside US Marines]]
 
Various estimates of the number of killings attributed to Yugoslav forces have been announced through the years. An estimated 800,000 Kosovo Albanians fled and an estimated 7,000 to 9,000 were killed, according to ''[[The New York Times]]''.<ref>{{cite news|first=Marlise|last=Simons|title=Tribunal focuses on Serbia's Kosovo war|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/10/world/europe/10iht-serbia.2166700.html|access-date=2 January 2013 |date=1969-12-31}}</ref> The estimate of 10,000 deaths is used by the [[United States Department of State|US Department of State]], which cited human rights abuses as its main justification for attacking Yugoslavia.<ref>{{cite web |title=Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo: An Accounting|url=https://1997-2001.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/kosovoii/homepage.html|publisher=[[US Department of State]]|access-date=2018-11-26}}</ref>
 
Statistical experts working on behalf of the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) prosecution estimate that the total number of dead is about 10,000.<ref>{{cite web|title=Killings and Refugee Flow in Kosovo|date=2002-01-03|url=http://shr.aaas.org/kosovo/icty_report.pdf}}</ref> [[Eric Fruits]], a professor at [[Portland State University]], argued that the experts' analyses were based on fundamentally flawed data and that none of its conclusions are supported by any valid statistical analysis or tests.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://pdx.academia.edu/documents/0035/5846/ICTY_Fruits_expert_report_final_080203.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100615111726/http://pdx.academia.edu/documents/0035/5846/ICTY_Fruits_expert_report_final_080203.pdf|archive-date=15 June 2010|url-status=dead|title=Expert Report to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, Milutinovic et al., Case No. IT-05-87 PT}}</ref>
 
In August 2000, the [[ICTY]] announced that it had exhumed 2,788 bodies in Kosovo, but declined to say how many were thought to be victims of war crimes.<ref>{{cite news|first=Jonathan|last=Steele|date=2000-08-18 |url=https://www.theguardian.com/Archive/Article/0,4273,4052755,00.html|work=The Guardian|title=Serb killings 'exaggerated' by west| ___location=London}}</ref> KFOR sources told Agence France Presse that of the 2,150 bodies<ref>{{Cite web |last=Pristina |first=Chris Bird in |date=1999-11-11 |title=Graves put Kosovo death toll in doubt |url=http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/nov/11/balkans.unitednations |access-date=2022-11-25 |website=[[The Guardian]] |language=en}}</ref> that had been discovered up until July 1999, about 850 were thought to be victims of war crimes.
 
In an attempt to conceal the corpses of the victims, Yugoslav forces transported the bodies of murdered Albanians deep inside Serbia and buried them in mass graves.<ref>{{cite news |last=Stojanovic |first=Milica |url=https://balkaninsight.com/2019/06/05/vlastimir-djordjevic-serbian-official-involved-in-kosovo-crimes-cover-up/ |title=Vlastimir Djordjevic: Serbian Official Involved in Kosovo Crimes Cover-Up |work=Balkan Insight |date=2019-06-05 |access-date=2021-04-10 }}</ref> According to HLC, many of the bodies were taken to the Mačkatica Aluminium Complex near [[Surdulica]] and the Copper Mining And Smelting Complex in [[Bor, Serbia|Bor]], where they were incinerated. There are reports that some bodies of Albanian victims were also burned in the Feronikli plant in [[Glogovac, Kosovo|Glogovac]].<ref>{{cite report |date=2017 |title= Dossier: The cover-up of evidence of crimes during the war in Kosovo: The Concealment of Bodies Operation |url= http://www.hlc-rdc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/Dosije_OPERACIJA_SKRIVANJA_TELA._eng.pdf|publisher= Humanitarian Law Center|pages= 53–56| quote= Over the past 12 years, the witnesses and representatives of the civil sector have come forward with evidence that, in addition to being hidden in mass graves on the territory of Serbia, the bodies of murdered Albanians have been burned in several locations in Serbia and Kosovo. |access-date= 2021-04-10}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/glogovac/Glog997-02.htm |title=The Town Of Glogovac |website=hrw.org |access-date=10 April 2021 |quote=A notable feature of Glogovac was the nearby Ferrous Nickel plant, called "Feronikl." The large mine and industrial complex was frequently used by Serbian and Yugoslav forces as a base of operations throughout 1998 and 1999. There were multiple, but as yet unconfirmed, reports that Feronikl was also used as a detention facility for Albanians since March 1998. Likewise, unconfirmed reports speak of a crematorium in Feronikl where Albanians were allegedly deposed of once the NATO bombing began.}}</ref>
 
'''Known mass graves''':
* In 2001, 800 still unidentified bodies were found in pits on a police training ground just outside Belgrade and in eastern Serbia.
* At least 700 bodies were uncovered in a mass grave located within a special anti-terrorist police unit's compound in the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica.
* 77 bodies were found in the eastern Serbian town of Petrovo Selo.
* 50 bodies were uncovered near the western Serbian town of Peručac.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://english.aljazeera.net/news/europe/2010/05/201051082239918404.html|title=Serbia uncovers 'Kosovo mass grave'|publisher=Al Jazeera English|date=10 May 2010|access-date=2012-05-06|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100911193706/http://english.aljazeera.net/news/europe/2010/05/201051082239918404.html|archive-date=11 September 2010}}</ref>
* A mass grave believed to contain 250 bodies of Albanians killed in the war has been found under a car park in Rudnica near [[Raška, Serbia|Raška]].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Borger |first1=Julian |title=Kosovo Albanian mass grave found under car park in Serbia |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/may/10/kosovo-albanian-mass-grave-serbia|access-date=10 April 2021 |work=The Guardian |date=10 May 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Perić |first1=Vesna |title=250 ethnic Albanians found in mass grave |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/250-ethnic-albanians-found-in-mass-grave-1970559.html|access-date=10 April 2021|work=The Independent |date=11 May 2010}}</ref>
* At least 2 bodies, as well as part of the remains of a third body previously found in Rudnica have been found near a mine in the village of Kizevak in southern Serbia. The operation of recovering the bodies is still ongoing.<ref>{{cite news |last=Stojanovic |first=Milica |url=https://balkaninsight.com/2021/04/06/two-kosovo-albanians-identified-from-wartime-mass-grave-in-serbia/ |title=Two Kosovo Albanians Identified from Wartime Mass Grave in Serbia |work=Balkan Insight |date=2021-04-06 |access-date=2021-04-10 }}</ref>
 
====Civilians killed by KLA forces====
The KLA abducted and killed Serbian, Roma, and moderate Albanian civilians during and after the war.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Fred |first1=Abrahams |title=Justice Gap For Kosovo 20 Years On |url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/06/13/justice-gap-kosovo-20-years |website=HumanRightsWatch |date=13 June 2019}}</ref> The exact number of civilians killed by the KLA is not known, though estimates conducted in the initial post-war months listed several hundreds<ref>{{cite web |title=Abuses Against Serbs And Roma In The New Kosovo |url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/kosov2/ |website=HumanRightsWatch |date=August 1999}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Fisk |first1=Robert |title=Serbs murdered by the hundred since 'liberation' |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/serbs-murdered-by-the-hundred-since-liberation-1128350.html |work=The Independent |date=24 November 1999}}</ref> with the targeting of non-Albanians intensifying in the immediate aftermath of KFOR deployment.<ref name="Abrahams" /> Although more than 2,500 non-Albanians are believed to have been killed in the period between 1 January 1998 and 31 December 2000,<ref name="presentation"/> it is not known how many of them were killed by the KLA or affiliated groups.{{better source needed|date=September 2019}}
 
===NATO losses===
[[File:F16 equipment and F117 fragments.jpg|thumb|upright|A downed [[F-16 Fighting Falcon|F-16C]] pilot's flight equipment belonging to [[Lt. Colonel]] [[David L. Goldfein]] and part of the [[F-117 Nighthawk|F-117A]] [[1999 F-117A shoot-down|shot down]] over Serbia in 1999 on display at a Belgrade museum.]]
 
Military casualties on the [[NATO]] side were light. According to official reports, the alliance suffered no fatalities as a direct result of combat operations. In the early hours of 5 May, a US military [[AH-64 Apache]] helicopter crashed<ref name="NATOlosses">{{cite web|url=http://www.aeronautics.ru/official/losthelicopters.htm|title=Officially confirmed / documented NATO helicopter losses|date=23 February 2001|archive-date=2001-02-23|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20010223043114/http://www.aeronautics.ru/official/losthelicopters.htm}}</ref> approximately {{convert|45|mi|km}}, according to [[CNN]],<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.cnn.com/US/9905/05/apache.crash/|title=U.S. helicopter crew killed in crash in Albania |work=CNN|date=1999-05-05 |url-status=dead |archive-date=8 March 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080308163600/http://www.cnn.com/US/9905/05/apache.crash/}}</ref> or {{convert|40|mi|km}}, according to the [[BBC]],<ref name="Apache">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/335709.stm|title=Two die in Apache crash|publisher=BBC|date=1999-05-05}}</ref> northeast of [[Tirana]], Albania's capital, very close to the border between Kosovo and Albania.<ref name="NATOlosses"/> The two US pilots of the helicopter, Army [[Chief Warrant Officer]]s David Gibbs and Kevin L. Reichert, died in that crash. According to NATO statements, they were the only NATO fatalities during the war. However, British radio intercepts of Serbian military communications, said that several [[DGSE|French foreign intelligence]] officers had been killed alongside KLA fighters in a Serbian ambush.<ref>{{cite news |title=Alleged connections between top Kosovo politicians and assassin investigated |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/nov/07/kosovo-hitman-inquiry-eulex-hashim-thaci |access-date=13 February 2025 |work=The Guardian |date=7 November 2014}}</ref>
 
There were other casualties after the war, mostly due to land mines. During the war, the alliance reported the loss of the first [[USAF|US]] [[stealth plane|stealth aeroplane]] (an [[F-117 Nighthawk]]) ever [[1999 F-117A shoot-down|shot down]] by enemy fire.<ref>{{cite web|first=Benjamin S.|last=Lambeth|date=2006-06-03 |url=http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj02/sum02/lambeth.html|title=Kosovo and the Continuing SEAD Challenge|access-date=30 October 2006|work=Aerospace Power Journal|publisher=[[United States Air Force]]|quote=On the fourth night of air operations, an apparent barrage of SA-3s downed an F-117 at approximately 2045 over hilly terrain near Budanovci, about {{convert|28|mi}} northwest of Belgrade- marking the first combat loss ever of a stealth aircraft.|url-status=dead|archive-date=10 October 2006|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061010133641/http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj02/sum02/lambeth.html}}</ref> Furthermore, an [[F-16]] fighter was lost near [[Šabac]] and 32 [[unmanned aerial vehicle]]s (UAVs) from different nations were lost.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.muzejrv.mod.gov.rs/|title=3. паневропски конгрес војне медицине|website=www.muzejrv.mod.gov.rs|access-date=27 March 2009|archive-date=27 February 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210227001432/http://www.muzejrv.mod.gov.rs/|url-status=dead}}</ref> The wreckages of downed UAVs were shown on [[Television in Serbia|Serbian television]] during the war. Some US sources claim a second F-117A was also heavily damaged, and although it made it back to its base, it never flew again.<ref>{{cite web|last=Riccioni|first=Everest E. |url=http://www.pogo.org/m/dp/dp-fa22-Riccioni-03082005.pdf |url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20051016233746/http://www.pogo.org/m/dp/dp-fa22-Riccioni-03082005.pdf|archive-date=2005-10-16|title=Description of our Failing Defense Acquisition System|date=2005-03-08|work=Project on government oversight}}</ref><ref>[http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=AT&p_theme=at&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0EADA4695E8E4162&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM#profF-117 "Damage said attributed to full moon."] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110609004521/http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=AT&p_theme=at&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0EADA4695E8E4162&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM#profF-117 |date=9 June 2011 }} ''Nl.newsbank.com,'' 6 May 1999</ref> [[A-10 Thunderbolt]]s have been reported as losses, with two shot down<ref name="ejection-history1">{{cite web |url=http://www.ejection-history.org.uk/Aircraft_by_Type/A-10_Thunderbolt_II.htm|title=A-10 Thunderbolt II |publisher=Ejection-history.org.uk|access-date=2012-02-20 |url-status=dead|archive-date=2012-01-19|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120119090754/http://www.ejection-history.org.uk/Aircraft_by_Type/A-10_Thunderbolt_II.htm}}</ref> and another two damaged.<ref name="ejection-history1"/> Three US soldiers riding a [[Humvee]] in a routine patrol were captured by Yugoslav special forces across the Macedonian border.<ref>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/daily/april99/soldiers040299.htm 'We're Trapped... We Can't Get Out']. The Washington Post, 2 April 2014</ref>
 
===Yugoslav military losses===
[[File:Destroyed-t-55-tank-Kosovo.jpg|left|thumb|Destroyed tank near Prizren]]
 
At first, NATO claimed to have killed 10,000 Yugoslav troops, while Yugoslavia claimed only 500 had been killed; the NATO investigative teams later corrected it to a few hundred Yugoslav troops killed by air strikes.<ref name="Pollack2003">{{cite book|first=Kenneth|last=Pollack|title=The Threatening Storm: What Every American Needs to Know Before an Invasion in Iraq|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HCZfUV-U97kC&pg=PA304 |year= 2003|publisher=Random House Publishing Group|isbn=978-1-58836-341-1|pages=304–}}</ref> In 2001, the Yugoslav authorities claimed 462 soldiers were killed and 299 wounded by NATO airstrikes.{{sfn|Krieger|2001|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=-OhPTJn8ZWoC&pg=PA323 323]}} Later, in 2013, Serbia claimed that 1,008 Yugoslav soldiers and policemen had been killed by NATO bombing.<ref name="mondo"/> In early June 1999, NATO claimed that 5,000 Yugoslav servicemen had been killed and 10,000 had been wounded during the NATO air campaign.<ref name="Bideleux & Jeffries" /><ref name="Chambers" /><ref>{{cite news |date=11 June 1999 |title=Kosovo: The conflict by numbers |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/366981.stm |url-status=live |access-date=7 November 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150920215828/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/366981.stm |archive-date=20 September 2015}}</ref><ref name="Bideleux & Jeffries2">{{cite book |last1=Bideleux |first1=Robert |url=https://archive.org/details/balkanspostcommu0000bide/page/558 |title=The Balkans: A Post-Communist History |last2=Jeffries |first2=Ian |publisher=Routledge |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-203-96911-3 |page=[https://archive.org/details/balkanspostcommu0000bide/page/558 558]}}</ref><ref name="Chambers2">{{cite book |last=Chambers II |first=John Whiteclay |url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00cham/page/375 |title=The Oxford Companion to American Military History |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1999 |isbn=978-0-19-507198-6 |page=[https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00cham/page/375 375] |url-access=registration}}</ref> NATO has since{{when|date=February 2017}} revised this estimate to 1,200 Yugoslav soldiers and policemen killed.<ref name="Coopersmith & Launius" />
 
[[File:Bosnia mig29.jpg|thumb|Wreckage of Yugoslav [[MiG-29]] jet fighter shot down on 27 March 1999, outside the town of [[Ugljevik]], Bosnia and Herzegovina]]
 
Of military equipment, NATO destroyed around 50 [[Yugoslav Air Force]] aircraft including 6 [[Mikoyan MiG-29|MiG-29s]] destroyed in [[Air combat manoeuvring|air-to-air combat]]. A number of [[Soko G-4 Super Galeb|G-4 Super Galebs]] and 4 MiG-29s<ref>{{cite web | url=https://redsamovar.com/2020/03/25/actu-les-mig-29-serbes/ | title=&#91;Actu&#93; les MiG-29 serbes | date=25 March 2020 }}</ref>{{rs|date=May 2025}} were destroyed in their hardened aircraft shelter by [[Bunker buster|bunker-busting bombs]] which started a fire which spread quickly because the shelter doors were not closed. At the end of war, NATO officially claimed that they had destroyed 93 Yugoslav tanks. Yugoslavia admitted a total of 3 destroyed tanks. The latter figure was verified by European inspectors when Yugoslavia rejoined the Dayton accords, by noting the difference between the number of tanks then and at the last inspection in 1995.{{Citation needed|date = April 2014}} NATO claimed that the Yugoslav army lost 93 tanks ([[M-84]]'s and [[T-55]]'s), 132 APCs, and 52 artillery pieces.<ref name="one-six-one.fifthinfantrydivision.com">{{cite web|url=http://one-six-one.fifthinfantrydivision.com/airpwr.htm|title=Kosovo Coverup|publisher=One-six-one.fifthinfantrydivision.com|date=2000-05-15|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref> ''[[Newsweek]]'', the second-largest news weekly magazine in the U.S., gained access to a suppressed [[United States Air Force|US Air Force]] report that claimed the real numbers were "3 tanks, not 120; 18 armored personnel carriers, not 220; 20 artillery pieces, not 450".<ref name="one-six-one.fifthinfantrydivision.com" /><ref>"The Kosovo Cover-Up" by John Barry and Evan Thomas, ''Newsweek'', 15 May 2000.</ref> Another US Air Force report gives a figure of 14 tanks destroyed.<ref name=fourteen /> Most of the targets hit in Kosovo were decoys, such as tanks made out of plastic sheets with telegraph poles for gun barrels, or old World War II–era tanks which were not functional. Anti-aircraft defences were preserved by the simple expedient of not turning them on, preventing NATO aircraft from detecting them, but forcing them to keep above a ceiling of {{convert|15,000|ft|m|abbr=off}}, making accurate bombing much more difficult. Towards the end of the war, it was claimed that carpet bombing by [[B-52 Stratofortress|B-52]] aircraft had caused huge casualties among Yugoslav troops stationed along the Kosovo–Albania border. Careful searching by NATO investigators found no evidence of any such large-scale casualties.
 
The most significant loss for the [[Armed Forces of Serbia and Montenegro|Yugoslav Army]] was the damaged and destroyed infrastructure. Almost all military air bases and airfields ([[Batajnica Air Base|Batajnica]], [[Kraljevo-Lađevci Airport|Lađevci]], [[Slatina Air Base|Slatina]], [[Golubovci Air Base|Golubovci]] and [[Đakovica Airfield|Đakovica]]) and other military buildings and facilities were badly damaged or destroyed. Unlike the units and their equipment, military buildings could not be camouflaged. thus, defence industry and military technical overhaul facilities were also seriously damaged ([[Utva]], [[Zastava Arms]] factory, Moma Stanojlović air force overhaul centre, technical overhaul centres in [[Čačak]] and [[Kragujevac]]). In an effort to weaken the Yugoslav Army, NATO targeted several important civilian facilities (the [[Pančevo]] oil refinery,<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.davidbudbill.com/jme14.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20010125073100/http://www.davidbudbill.com/jme14.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=2001-01-25 |title=NATO Bombs Leave Toxic Slough |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] }}</ref> [[Novi Sad]] oil refinery, bridges, TV antennas, railroads, etc.)
 
===KLA losses===
Around 1,500 Kosovo Liberation Army soldiers were killed, according to KLA's own estimates.{{sfn|Daalder|O'Hanlon|2000|p=151}} [[Humanitarian Law Center|HLC]] registered 2,131 KLA and FARK insurgents killed in its comprehensive database.<ref name="presentation"/>
 
===Aftermath===
[[File:Defense.gov News Photo 990521-F-5920L-006.jpg|thumb|right|Refugee camp in [[Fier]], Albania]]
The most immediate problem &mdash; the refugees &mdash; was largely resolved very quickly: within three weeks, over 500,000 Albanian refugees had returned home. By November 1999, according to the [[UNHCR|UN High Commissioner for Refugees]], 808,913 out of 848,100 had returned. However, much of the remaining Serb population of Kosovo fled fearing revenge attacks. [[Roma people|Gypsies]], [[Turkish people|Turks]] and [[Bosniaks]] were also driven out after being brutalized by Albanians. The Yugoslav [[Red Cross]] had registered 247,391 mostly Serbian refugees by November. The new exodus was a severe embarrassment to NATO, which had established a peacekeeping force of 45,000 under the auspices of the United Nations Mission In Kosovo ([[United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo|UNMIK]]). According to Amnesty International, the presence of peacekeepers in Kosovo led to an increase in the [[trafficking of women]] for sexual exploitation. [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3686173.stm] [http://web.amnesty.org/actforwomen/stories-9-eng]
The Yugoslav and Serb forces caused the displacement of between 1.2&nbsp;million<ref name="Krieger p90"/> to 1.45&nbsp;million Kosovo Albanians.<ref name="OSCE 2003"/> After the end of the war in June 1999, numerous Albanian [[refugees]] started returning home from neighboring countries. By November 1999, according to the [[UNHCR|UN High Commissioner for Refugees]], 848,100 out of 1,108,913 had returned.<ref>{{cite book | page=8 |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=xBgyDQAAQBAJ&q=kosovo+1%2C108%2C913&pg=PA8 | title=The G and T Defense: George W Bush and Tony Blair: Heroes, Not Villains | author= Mark B Jardine | publisher=Lulu.com | year= 2016
| isbn=978-1483458571}}{{self-published source|date=February 2020}}</ref>{{self-published inline|date=February 2020}}
 
According to the 1991 Yugoslavia Census, of the nearly 2&nbsp;million population of Kosovo in 1991, 194,190 were [[Serbs]], 45,745 were [[Romani people|Romani]] and 20,356 were [[Montenegrins]].<ref name="Political Parties of Eastern Europe">{{cite book|last=Bugajski|first=Janusz|title=Political Parties of Eastern Europe: A Guide to Politics in the Post-Communist Era|year=2002|publisher=The Center for Strategic and International Studies|___location=New York|isbn=978-1-56324-676-0|page=479|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9gGKtLTQlUcC&pg=PA479 }}</ref> According to the [[Human Rights Watch]], 200,000 Serbs and thousands of Roma fled from Kosovo during and after the war.<ref name = hrw2004>{{cite web|url=https://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/03/18/serbia8129.htm|title=Kosovo/Serbia: Protect Minorities from Ethnic Violence|publisher=[[Human Rights Watch]]|access-date=2007-08-10|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070929145203/http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/03/18/serbia8129.htm|archive-date=2007-09-29|url-status=dead}}</ref> Homes of minorities were burned and Orthodox churches and monasteries were destroyed.<ref name = "HRWReport">{{cite report |date=2001 |title=Under order |url=https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/Under_Orders_En_Combined.pdf |publisher=Human Rights Watch |page=454 |access-date=2017-11-23 }}</ref> The Yugoslav [[International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement|Red Cross]] had also registered 247,391 mostly Serbian refugees by 26 November.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Refugees |first=United Nations High Commissioner for |title=Refworld {{!}} Reversal of Fortune: Serbia's Refugee Crisis |url=https://www.refworld.org/docid/3c58099b4.html |access-date=2022-11-25 |website=Refworld |language=en}}</ref> More than 164,000 Serbs left Kosovo during the seven weeks which followed Yugoslav and Serb forces' withdrawal from, and the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) entering Kosovo.<ref>[https://www.hrw.org/en/reports/1999/08/01/abuses-against-serbs-and-roma-new-kosovo Abuses against Serbs and Roma in the New Kosovo] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141129014620/http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/1999/08/01/abuses-against-serbs-and-roma-new-kosovo |date=29 November 2014 }}, Human rights watch</ref>
== War crimes ==
Shortly after the start of the bombing, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević, along with [[Milan Milutinović]], [[Nikola Sainović]], [[Dragoljub Ojdanić]] and [[Vlajko Stojiljković]] were charged by the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) with crimes against humanity including murder, forcible transfer, deportation and "persecution on political, racial or religious grounds".
 
Further inter-ethnic violence took place in [[unrest in Kosovo|2000]], and [[2004 unrest in Kosovo|2004]].
Further indictments were leveled in October 2003 against former armed forces chief of staff [[Nebojša Pavković]], former army corps commander [[Vladimir Lazarević]], former police official [[Vlastimir Đorđević]] and the current head of Serbia's public security, [[Sreten Lukić]]. All were indicted for crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war.
 
==War crimes==
The ICTY also leveled indictments against KLA members [[Fatmir Limaj]], [[Haradin Bala]], [[Isak Musliu]] and [[Agim Murtezi]], indicted for crimes against humanity. They were arrested on [[February 17]]&ndash;[[February 18|18]], [[2003]]. Charges were soon dropped against Agim Murtezi as a case of mistaken identity, whereas Fatmir Limaj was acquitted of all charges on 30 November 2005 and released. The charges were in relation to the prison camp run by the defendants at [[Lapusnik]] between May and July 1998.
{{Main|War crimes in the Kosovo War}}
 
===By the Federal Yugoslav government===
War crimes prosecutions have also been carried out in Yugoslavia. Yugoslav soldier [[Ivan Nikolić]] was found guilty in 2002 of war crimes in the deaths of two civilians in Kosovo. A significant number of Yugoslav soldiers were tried by Yugoslav military tribunals during the war.
{{Main|Serbian war crimes in the Yugoslav Wars}}
 
[[File:Vlastimir Đorđević.jpg|right|thumb|180px|[[Vlastimir Đorđević]], former Serb colonel general, at the ICTY]]
On March 2005, a U.N. tribunal indicted Kosovo Prime Minister [[Ramush Haradinaj]] for war crimes against the Serbs, on March 8 he tendered his resignation. Haradinaj, an ethnic Albanian was a former commander who led units of the Kosovo Liberation Army and was appointed Prime Minister after winning an election of 72 votes to three in the Kosovo's Parliament in December 2004.
 
For the [[government of Serbia]], cooperation with the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia]] is "still regarded as a distressing obligation, the necessary price for joining the [[European Union]]".<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/uncomfortable-truths-war-crimes-in-the-balkans|title=Uncomfortable Truths: War Crimes in the Balkans|date=16 November 2011|work=Balkan Insight|access-date=1 April 2013}}</ref> Religious objects were damaged or destroyed. Of the 498 mosques in Kosovo that were in active use, the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) documented that 225 mosques sustained damage or destruction by the Yugoslav Serb army.<ref name="Mehmeti72">{{cite book|last=Mehmeti|first=Jeton|chapter=Faith and Politics in Kosovo: The status of Religious Communities in a Secular Country|editor1-last=Roy|editor1-first=Olivier|editor2-last=Elbasani|editor2-first=Arolda|title=The Revival of Islam in the Balkans: From Identity to Religiosity|year=2015|___location=New York|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-1137517845|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4F9OCgAAQBAJ&q=Kosovo+war+mosques&pg=PA72|page=72}} "Islamic heritage in general has received meagre legal attention although such heritage was severely damaged during the war. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) documented that, of 498 mosques that were in active use, approximately 225 of them were damaged or destroyed by Serbian military during the years 1998–1999."</ref> In all, eighteen months of the Yugoslav Serb counterinsurgency campaign between 1998 and 1999 within Kosovo resulted in 225 or a third out of a total of 600 mosques being damaged, vandalised, or destroyed.<ref name="Herscher87">{{harvnb|Herscher|Riedlmayer|2000|pp=87}}. "The attack on Landovica's mosque was reprised throughout Kosovo during the eighteen months of the Serb counterinsurgency campaign. Approximately 225 of Kosovo's 600 mosques were vandalized, damaged, or destroyed during that campaign."</ref><ref name="Bevan85">{{cite book|last=Bevan|first=Robert|title=The Destruction of Memory: Architecture at War|year=2007|publisher=Reaktion books|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xuz6GngdaVsC&q=kosovo+war+museum+prizren&pg=PT122|isbn=978-1861896384|page=85}} "Although the priceless Serbian Orthodox heritage of Kosovo was damaged during the Kosovo conflict and after (and Serbia itself did indeed lose some buildings to NATO raids), it is the Muslim heritage, as in Bosnia, that was devastated by the war. A third of Kosovo's historic mosques were destroyed or damaged, as were 90 per cent of the traditional kulla (stone tower-houses), as part of the Serbian campaign of ethnic cleansing that followed the pattern set in Bosnia, and made worse by the efficiency lessons learned there. The destruction of Kosovo's non-Serb architectural heritage was a planned and methodical element of ethnic cleansing."</ref> During the war, Islamic architectural heritage posed for Yugoslav Serb paramilitary and military forces as Albanian patrimony, with destruction of non-Serbian architectural heritage being a methodical and planned component of [[ethnic cleansing]] in Kosovo.<ref name="Bevan85"/><ref name="Herscher13">
The Serbian government and a number of international pressure groups claimed that NATO had carried out war crimes during the conflict, particularly regarding the bombing of alleged dual-use facilities such as the Serbian TV headquarters in Belgrade. The ICTY conducted an inquiry into these charges. [http://www.un.org/icty/pressreal/nato061300.htm] No NATO leaders were brought up on charges by the ICTY.
{{cite book|last=Herscher|first=Andrew|title=Violence taking place: The architecture of the Kosovo conflict|year=2010|___location=Stanford|publisher=Stanford University Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pnSvZzDS0RYC&q=Kosovo+je+Srbija|isbn=978-0804769358|page=13}}</ref>
 
Widespread rape and sexual violence by the Serbian army, police and paramilitaries occurred during the conflict and the majority of victims were Kosovo Albanian women,<ref name="Amnestysurvivors61315"/><ref name="De Lellio522">{{cite journal|last1=De Lellio|first1= Anna|last2= Schwandner-Sievers|first2= Stephanie|year=2006|volume=12|issue=3|title=The Legendary Commander: the construction of an Albanian master-narrative in post-war Kosovo|doi=10.1111/j.1469-8129.2006.00252.x|journal=Nations and Nationalism|page=522}}</ref> numbering an estimated 20,000.<ref name="KadriuMorina">{{cite news|last1=Kadriu|first1=Arber|last2=Morina|first2=Die|title=Pioneering Kosovo Rape Victim Relives Battle for Justice|url=http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/pioneering-kosovo-rape-victim-relives-battle-for-justice-10-18-2018|date=18 October 2018|access-date=27 September 2019|agency=Balkaninsight|publisher=Birn}}</ref> The crimes of rape by the Serb military, paramilitary and police amounted to crimes against humanity and a war crime of torture.<ref name="Amnestysurvivors61315">{{cite web | url=https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/EUR7075582017ENGLISH.PDF | title=Wounds that burn our souls": Compensation for Kosovo's wartime rape survivors, but still no justice | publisher=[[Amnesty International]] | pages=6, 13, 15 | date=13 December 2017 | access-date=27 September 2019 | archive-date=1 August 2019 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190801024644/https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/EUR7075582017ENGLISH.PDF | url-status=dead }}</ref>
== Military and political consequences ==
The Kosovo war had a number of important consequences in terms of the military and political outcome. The status of Kosovo remains unresolved &mdash; formally it is still part of Serbia, but in practice the Serbian government has no say or practical influence over the affairs of the province, which is run as a UN [[protectorate]] under a UN-appointed governor. It remains an issue of considerable controversy with Kosovo Albanians continuing to press for independence, a demand which is now widely expected to become a reality in the immediate future.
 
On 27 April 1999, a [[Meja massacre|mass execution]] of at least 377 Kosovo Albanian civilians, of whom 36 were under 18 years old, was committed by Serbian police and [[Military of Serbia and Montenegro|Yugoslav Army]] forces in the village of Meja near the town of [[Gjakova]]. It followed an operation which began after the killing of six Serbian policemen by the [[Kosovo Liberation Army]] (KLA). The victims were pulled from refugee convoys at a checkpoint in Meja and their families were ordered to proceed to [[Albania]]. Men and boys were separated and then executed by the road.<ref name="Ball2002">{{cite book|last=Ball|first=Howard|title=War Crimes and Justice: A Reference Handbook|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=keVtk-r73EYC&pg=PA197|access-date=31 March 2013|year=2002|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1576078990|pages=197–}}</ref> It was one of the largest massacres in the Kosovo War.<ref>{{cite book| last=Jones| first=Adam| ref=Jones| year=2006| publisher=Routledge| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RnO_Z3y5elgC| title= Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction| access-date=30 March 2013| page=330| isbn=978-1134259809}}</ref>
In January 2006, Contact Group (US, UK, France, Germany, Italy, Russia) foreign ministers met in London and issued a statement outlining their vision for Kosovo's future status. Their statement explicitly reiterated that the "Contact Group Guiding Principles of November 2005 make clear that there should be: no return of Kosovo to the pre-1999 situation, no partition of Kosovo, and no union of Kosovo with any or part of another country." The statement also clearly states that "the (status) settlement needs, inter alia, to be acceptable to the people of Kosovo." [http://ue.eu.int/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/declarations/88236.pdf] (PDF) and set a target of achieving a negotiated settlement in the course of 2006.
 
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was charged by the UN's [[International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) with [[crimes against humanity]] and war crimes. In 2001, then-President [[Vojislav Koštunica]] "fought tooth and nail" against attempts to put Milošević before an international court but was unable to prevent this happening after further atrocities were revealed.<ref>{{cite book|last=Judah|first=Tim|title=The Serbs|edition=3rd|year=2009|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-15826-7|page=346}}</ref>
Milošević survived the immediate aftermath of the war, but the effective loss of Kosovo was a major factor in provoking the popular revolt which overthrew him in [[2000]]. He was subsequently arrested and taken to [[The Hague]], where he died from natural causes in his cell, awaiting trial for crimes against humanity on [[10 March]] [[2006]].
 
By 2014, the ICTY issued final verdicts against the indicted Yugoslav officials who were found guilty of [[deportation]], other inhumane acts ([[forcible transfer]]), [[murder]] and [[persecutions]] ([[crimes against humanity]], Article 5), as well as murder (violations of the [[laws or customs of war]], Article 3):
Despite the successful conclusion of the war, Kosovo exposed gaping weaknesses in NATO. It revealed how dependent the European members had become on the United States military &mdash; the vast majority of combat and non-combat operations were dependent on US involvement &mdash; and highlighted the lack of precision weapons in European armories. Some right-wing and military critics in the US also blamed the alliance's agreement-by-[[consensus]] arrangements for hobbling and slowing down the campaign.
* [[Nikola Šainović]], former deputy prime minister of the FRY, sentenced to 18 years in prison.<ref name="ICTY CIS">{{cite web| title=Šainović et al., Case Information Sheet| url=http://www.icty.org/x/cases/milutinovic/cis/en/cis_sainovic_al_en.pdf| publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia |date=2014| access-date=11 January 2019}}</ref>
* [[Dragoljub Ojdanić]], former Chief of the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army, sentenced to 15 years in prison.<ref name="ICTY CIS"/>
* [[Nebojša Pavković]], former Commander of the Third Army of the Yugoslav Army, sentenced to 22 years in prison.<ref name="ICTY CIS"/>
* [[Vladimir Lazarević]], former Commander of the Priština Corps of the Yugoslav Army, sentenced to 14 years in prison.<ref name="ICTY CIS"/>
* [[Sreten Lukić]], former Head of the [[Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs]], sentenced to 20 years in prison.<ref name="ICTY CIS"/>
* [[Vlastimir Đorđević]], former Assistant Minister of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP) and Chief of the Public Security Department (RJB) of the MUP, was sentenced to 18 years in prison.<ref>{{cite web| title=Vlastimir Đorđević – Case Information Sheet| url=http://www.icty.org/x/cases/djordjevic/cis/en/cis_djordjevic_en.pdf| publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia | access-date=11 January 2019}}</ref>
* [[Milan Milutinović]] was acquitted of all charges.<ref name="ICTY CIS"/>
* [[Vlajko Stojiljković]] committed suicide.
* Slobodan Milošević died before a verdict was reached.
 
The ICTY found that:
The campaign exposed significant weaknesses in the US arsenal, which were later addressed for the [[U.S. invasion of Afghanistan|Afghanistan]] and [[2003 invasion of Iraq|Iraq]] campaigns. [[AH-64 Apache|Apache attack helicopters]] and [[AC-130 Spectre]] gunships were brought up to the front lines but were never actually used after two Apaches crashed during training in the Albanian mountains. Stocks of many precision missiles were run down to critically low levels &mdash; had the campaign lasted much longer, NATO would have had to revert back to using "dumb" bombs for lack of anything better. Also, many of the precision-guided weapons proved unable to cope with Balkan weather, as the clouds blocked the laser guidance beams. This was resolved by retrofitting bombs with [[Global Positioning System]] satellite guidance devices that are immune to bad weather. Also, although pilotless surveillance aircraft were extensively used, it often proved the case that attack aircraft could not be brought to the scene quickly enough to hit targets of opportunity. This led to the fitting of missiles to Predator drones in Afghanistan, reducing the "sensor to shooter" time to virtually nil.
{{blockquote|...FRY and Serbian forces use[d] violence and terror to force a significant number of Kosovo Albanians from their homes and across the borders, in order for the state authorities to maintain control over Kosovo&nbsp;... This campaign was conducted by [[Military of Serbia and Montenegro|army]] and [[Ministry of Internal Affairs (Serbia)|Interior Ministry]] [[Law enforcement in Serbia|police forces (MUP)]] under the control of FRY and Serbian authorities, who were responsible for mass expulsions of Kosovo Albanian civilians from their homes, as well as incidents of killings, [[sexual assault]], and the [[Desecration|intentional destruction]] of [[mosque]]s.<ref name="Five Senior Serb Officials Convicted">{{cite news|title=Five Senior Serb Officials Convicted of Kosovo Crimes, One Acquitted|url=http://www.icty.org/sid/10070|access-date=1 April 2013|publisher=[[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]]|date=26 February 2009}}</ref>}}
 
===By Kosovo Albanian forces===
Kosovo also demonstrated that even a high-tech force such as NATO could be thwarted by quite simple tactics, according to [[Wesley Clark]] and other NATO generals who analyzed these tactics a few years after the conflict.
{{Main|Kosovo Liberation Army#Massacres}}
[http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews] The Yugoslav army had long expected to need to resist a much stronger enemy &mdash; either [[Red Army|Soviet]] or NATO &mdash; during the [[Cold War]] and had developed effective tactics of deception and concealment in response. These would have been unlikely to have resisted a full-scale invasion for long, but were probably effective in misleading overflying aircraft and satellites. Among the tactics used were:
{{Multiple image
| align = right
| direction = vertical
| width = 220
| image1 = Kosovo-metohija-koreni-duse046.jpg
| caption1 = [[Staro Gracko massacre]] memorial
| image2 = Monument to Serbs Killed in Kosovo since 1990s - Mitrovica (Serb Side) - Kosovo.jpg
| caption2 = Monument to Serbian victims of Kosovo War in [[Mitrovica, Kosovo|Mitrovica]]
}}
 
The ICTY convicted [[Kosovo Liberation Army|KLA]] commander [[Haradin Bala]] for murder, torture and cruel treatment in the [[Lapušnik prison camp]], and sentencted him to 13 years’ imprisonment. [[Fatmir Limaj]] and [[Isak Musliu]] were acquitted.<ref>{{cite news| work=UN News| title=UN tribunal upholds judgments in three cases against Kosovo fighters| date=27 September 2007| url=https://news.un.org/en/story/2007/09/233262}}</ref>
* US stealth aircraft were tracked with radars operating on long wavelengths. If stealth jets got wet or started to drop bombs they would become visible on the radar screens. An [[F-117 Nighthawk]] was spotted in this way and downed with a missile, although this was admittedly a lucky shot. There were rumors that a new prototype of Russian [[surface-to-air missile|SAM]] could detect and hit the F-117. This would explain why the Russian foreign secretary Primakov came with a huge transport the very next day to Belgrade.
 
In 2008, [[Carla Del Ponte]] published a book in which she alleged that, after the end of the war in 1999, Kosovo Albanians were smuggling organs of between 100 and 300 Serbs and other minorities from the province to Albania.<ref>{{cite news|last=Champion|first=Marc|url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120812796372611429?mod=googlenews_wsj|title=Horrors Alleged in Kosovo|work=[[The Wall Street Journal]]|date=2008-04-14|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref>
* Precision-guided missiles were often confused and unable to pinpoint radars, because radar beams were reflected off heavy farm machinery like old tractors and plows.
 
In March 2005, a UN tribunal indicted Kosovo Prime Minister [[Ramush Haradinaj]] for war crimes against the Serbs. On 8 March, he tendered his resignation. Haradinaj, an ethnic Albanian, was a former commander who led units of the Kosovo Liberation Army and was appointed prime minister after winning an election of 72 votes to three in the Kosovo's Parliament in December 2004. Haradinaj was acquitted on all counts along with fellow KLA veterans Idriz Balaj and Lahi Brahimaj. The Office of the Prosecutor appealed their acquittals, resulting in the ICTY ordering a partial retrial. On 29 November 2012 all three were acquitted for the second time on all charges.<ref name="Haradinaj cleared">{{cite news|title=Kosovo ex-PM Ramush Haradinaj cleared of war crimes|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-20536318|access-date=29 November 2012|work=BBC News|date=29 November 2012}}</ref> The trials were rife with accusations of witness intimidation, as media outlets from several different countries wrote that as many as nineteen people who were supposed to be witnesses in the trial against Haradinaj were murdered (the ICTY disputed these reports).<ref>{{cite web |title=ICTY prosecution denies claims of murder of witnesses in Haradinaj case |url=http://daily.tportal.hr/228890/ICTY-prosecution-denies-claims-of-murder-of-witnesses-in-Haradinaj-case.html |archive-url=https://archive.today/20130217173914/http://daily.tportal.hr/228890/ICTY-prosecution-denies-claims-of-murder-of-witnesses-in-Haradinaj-case.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=17 February 2013 }}</ref>
* Many low-tech approaches were used to confuse heat-seeking missiles and infrared sensors. Decoys such as small gas furnaces were used to simulate nonexistent positions on mountainsides. Scout helicopters would land on flatbed trucks and rev their engines before being towed to camouflaged sites several hundred metres away. Heat-seeking missiles from NATO jets would then locate and go after the residual heat on the trucks. Similar tactics were planned in the case of the ground invasion - covert placement of heat emitters on territory that NATO troops were to enter, tricking B-52s into carpet-bombing their own positions and causing friendly-fire incidents.
 
According to [[Human Rights Watch]] (HRW), "800 non-Albanian civilians were kidnapped and murdered from 1998 to 1999". After the war, "479 people have gone missing... most of them Serbs".<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/12/15/kosovo/albania-investigate-alleged-kla-crimes |title=Kosovo/Albania: Investigate Alleged KLA Crimes|date=15 December 2010|website=Human Rights Watch}}</ref> HRW notes that "the intent behind many of the killings and abductions that have occurred in the province since June 1999 appears to be the expulsion of Kosovo's Serb and Roma population rather than a desire for revenge alone. In numerous cases, direct and systematic efforts were made to force Serbs and Roma to leave their homes."{{sfn|Abrahams|2001|p=455}} Some 200,000 Serbs and Roma fled Kosovo following the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces.<ref>{{cite web |title=South-East Europe and Kosovo: Evaluation of the humanitarian situation in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, particularly in Kosovo and Montenegro |url=http://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref-ViewHTML.asp?FileID=8776 |website=assembly.coe.int |publisher=Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe |date=18 September 1999}}</ref>
* Dummy targets were used very extensively. Fake bridges, airfields and decoy planes and tanks were used. Tanks were made using old tires, plastic sheeting and logs, and sand cans and fuel set alight to mimic heat emissions. They fooled NATO pilots into bombing hundreds of such decoys. NATO claimed that Yugoslav air force had been decimated. In reality, as it turned out after the war, most Yugoslav planes and armored vehicles survived unscathed. However, [[NATO]] sources claim that this was due to operating procedures, which oblige troops, in this case aircrafts, to engage any and all targets however unlikely they were real. The targets needed only to look real to be shot at, if detected, of course.
 
In April 2014, the [[Assembly of Kosovo]] considered and approved the establishment of a [[Kosovo Relocated Specialist Judicial Institution|special court]] to try cases involving crimes and other serious abuses committed in 1999–2000 by members of the KLA.<ref name=announcementNL>{{cite web|work=[[Government of the Netherlands]]|url=https://www.government.nl/latest/news/2016/01/15/kosovo-court-to-be-established-in-the-hague|title=Kosovo court to be established in The Hague|date=15 January 2016|access-date=16 January 2016}}</ref> Reports of abuses and war crimes committed by the KLA during and after the conflict include massacres of civilians, prison camps, burning and looting of homes and destruction of medieval churches and monuments.<ref name=hrw1>[https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/undword.htm Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo. executive summary] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171013010444/https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/undword.htm |date=13 October 2017 }}. hrw.org (2001)</ref>
* Bridges and other strategic targets were defended from missiles with laser-guidance systems by bonfires made of old tires and wet hay, which emit dense smoke filled with laser-reflecting particles.
 
[[Carla Del Ponte]] said that the US for political reasons, did not want the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|ICTY]] to scrutinise war crimes committed by the KLA. According to her, [[Madeleine Albright]] who was the Secretary of State at the time told her to proceed slowly with the investigation of [[Ramush Haradinaj]] to avoid unrest in Kosovo.<ref>{{cite news |title=I Keep Telling Myself that Justice Will Prevail |url=https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/former-chief-prosecutor-carla-del-ponte-i-keep-telling-myself-that-justice-will-prevail-a-21b02282-89d5-4e7b-b32c-ab16bc1b778b |access-date=25 June 2021 |publisher=Spiegel}}</ref>
* Old electronic jammers were used to block U.S. bombs equipped with satellite guidance.
 
===By NATO forces===
* Yugoslav jets flew combat missions over Kosovo at extremely low altitudes, taking advantage of mountainous terrain to remain undetected by [[AWACS]] airborne radar aircraft.
[[File:Memorial in Tašmajdan park (DSC04689).jpg|thumb|right|230px|A monument to the [[Civilian casualties during Operation Allied Force|children killed]] in the NATO bombing located in [[Tašmajdan Park]], [[Belgrade]], featuring a bronze sculpture of [[Milica Rakić]]]]
The Yugoslav government and a number of international pressure groups (e.g., [[Amnesty International]]) claimed that NATO had carried out war crimes during the conflict, notably the bombing of the Serbian TV headquarters in Belgrade on 23 April 1999, where 16 people were killed and 16 more were injured. Sian Jones of Amnesty stated, "The bombing of the headquarters of Serbian state radio and television was a deliberate attack on a civilian object and as such constitutes a war crime".<ref name="SDT23409">{{cite news |last1=Stojanovic |first1=Dusan |title=Amnesty: NATO bombing of Serbian TV 'war crime' |url=https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-eu-serbia-nato-bombing-042309-2009apr23-story.html |access-date=28 May 2023 |work=San Diego Tribune |agency=AP |date=23 April 2009}}</ref> A report conducted by the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|ICTY]] entitled ''Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia'' concluded that, "Insofar as the attack actually was aimed at disrupting the communications network, it was legally acceptable" and that, "NATO's targeting of the [[Radio Television of Serbia|RTS]] building for propaganda purposes was an incidental (albeit complementary) aim of its primary goal of disabling the Serbian military command and control system and to destroy the nerve system and apparatus that keeps Milosević in power."<ref name=ICTYReport /> In regards to civilian casualties, it further stated that though they were, "unfortunately high, they do not appear to be clearly disproportionate."<ref name=ICTYReport />
 
==International reaction to NATO intervention==
* [[Hispano-Suiza]] anti-aircraft cannons from the [[World War II]] era were used effectively against slow-flying drone aircraft.
 
==See also=Africa===
* {{flagicon|EGY}} – [[Egypt]] supported NATO intervention in Kosovo and withdrew its ambassador from Belgrade.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|p=209}}
{{Commons|Category:Kosovo War}}
* {{Flagicon|Libyan Arab Jamahiriya|1977}} – Libyan Jamahiriya leader, [[Muammar Gaddafi]] opposed the campaign and called on world leaders to support Yugoslavia's 'legitimate right to defend its freedoms and territorial integrity against a possible aggression.'<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/303446.stm|work=BBC News|title=Nato air strikes – the world reacts|date=1999-03-25}}</ref>
* [[Serbian-Albanian Conflict]]
* [[Preševo valley crisis]]
* [[Operation Allied Force]]
* [[Headquarters Allied Command Europe Rapid Reaction Corps]]
* [[Slobodan Milošević]]
* [[NATO]]
* [[KFOR]]
* [[UN Mission in Kosovo]]
* [[Strategic bombing]]
* General [[Wesley Clark]]
* [[Jamie Shea]]
* [[Legitimacy of NATO bombing of Yugoslavia]]
 
===Asia===
==Citation References==
* {{flagicon|CAM}} – [[Cambodia]] was against the campaign.<ref name="http">{{cite news| url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/303671.stm|work=BBC News|title=Mixed Asian reaction to NATO strikes|date=1999-03-25}}</ref>
<references />
* {{flagicon|PRC}} – [[China]] deeply condemned the bombing, saying it was an act of aggression against the [[Serbs|Yugoslav people]], especially when NATO [[U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade|bombed its embassy in Belgrade on 7 May 1999]], riots and mass demonstrations against the governments of the United States and Great Britain were reported against both the attack and the operation overall.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/338599.stm|work=BBC News|title=Bombing fuels Chinese hostility|date=1999-05-08}}</ref> [[Jiang Zemin]], the President of the country at the time, called 'once more' for an immediate halt to the airstrikes and demanded peaceful negotiations.<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Pilger}} Pilger, John ([[September 4]], [[2000]]). "[http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0FQP/is_4502_129/ai_65377401 US and British officials told us that at least 100,000 were murdered in Kosovo. A year later, fewer than 3,000 bodies have been found...]". ''New Statesman''.-->
* {{flagicon|IND}} – [[India]] condemned the bombing.<ref name="http" /> The Indian foreign ministry also stated that it 'urged all military actions to be brought to a halt' and that '[[Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|FR Yugoslavia]] be enabled to resolve its internal issues internally.'<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|BBC}} "[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1402790.stm#kosovo The charges against Milosevic]". ([[July 5]], [[2004]]). BBC.-->
* {{flagicon|IDN}} – [[Indonesia]] was against the campaign.<ref name="http" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Pearl}} Pearl, Daniel and Block, Robert ([[December 31]], [[1999]]). "War in Kosovo Was Cruel, Bitter, Savage; Genocide It Wasn’t". ''The Wall Street Journal'', p. A1.-->
* {{flagicon|ISR}} – [[Israel]] did not support the 1999 [[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia]].<ref>[https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1999-apr-09-mn-25714-story.html Israeli's Kosovo Remarks Raise Ire] 09 April 1999, Tracy Wilkinson, ''LA Times''</ref> [[Ariel Sharon]] criticised NATO's bombing as an act of "brutal interventionism".<ref>[https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/commentators/fisk/ariel-sharon-by-robert-fisk-521809.html Ariel Sharon... by Robert Fisk] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150926002449/http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/commentators/fisk/ariel-sharon-by-robert-fisk-521809.html |date=26 September 2015 }} Friday 6 January 2006, ''The Independent''</ref> It was suggested that Sharon may have supported the Yugoslav position because of the Serbian population's history of saving Jews during the [[Holocaust]].<ref>[https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.585494 "Russia or Ukraine? For some Israelis, Holocaust memories are key"] Haaretz, by David Landau, Apr. 15, 2014</ref>
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Pearl2}} ibid-->
* {{flagicon|JOR}} – [[Jordan]] supported NATO intervention in Kosovo and withdrew its ambassador from Belgrade.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|p=209}}
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|BBC2}} "[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1530781.stm Kosovo assault 'was not genocide']". ([[September 7]], [[2001]]). BBC.-->
* {{flagicon|JPN}} – [[Japan]]'s PM [[Keizō Obuchi]] advocated the bombing, stating that Yugoslavia had an 'uncompromising attitude.'<ref name="http" /> Japan's foreign minister [[Masahiko Kōmura]] said that, 'Japan understands NATO's use of force as measures that had to be taken to prevent humanitarian catastrophe.'<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|BBC3}} ibid-->
* {{flagicon|MAS}} – [[Malaysia]] supported the bombing, stating that it 'was necessary to prevent genocide in Kosovo.'<ref name="http" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|ICTY}} "[http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/mil-ai010629e.htm Milosevic et al. - Amended Indictment]".-->
* {{flagicon|PAK}} – [[Pakistan]]'s government was concerned about developing situations in Kosovo and called for [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244|UN intervention]].<ref name="http" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Swain}} Swain, Jon ([[October 31]], [[1999]]). "[http://www.agitprop.org.au/stopnato/1999110103.htm Lost in the Kosovo numbers game]". ''The Sunday Times''.-->
* {{flagicon|UAE}} – [[United Arab Emirates]] supported NATO intervention in Kosovo.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|pp=208–209}} The UAE population gave financial aid, and set up and ran a refugee camp and built an airstrip for incoming relief supplies at Kukës in Northern Albania.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|pp=208–209}}
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|NatoPa2000}} NATO Parliamentary Assembly Political Committee, November [[2000]]. "[http://www.nato-pa.int/archivedpub/comrep/2000/at-261-e.asp General Report: Kosovo Aftermath and its Implications for Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management]"-->
* {{flagicon|VIE}} – [[Vietnam]] was against the bombing campaign.<ref name="http" />
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|pilger}} [http://pilger.carlton.com/print/133403] - Pilger article on post-war situation.-->
 
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|legality}} [http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/RESOLUTION/GEN/NR0/068/54/IMG/NR006854.pdf] (PDF), [http://untreaty.un.org/ilc/summaries/7_5.htm], [http://untreaty.un.org/ilc/guide/7_5.htm] -- UNO laws, definition of aggression (subsources for some of above sources).-->
===Europe===
* {{flagicon|ALB}} – Albania strongly supported the bombing campaign. This resulted in the breaking of diplomatic ties between Albania and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, who accused the Albanian government of harbouring KLA insurgents and supplying them with weapons.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a473513.pdf|title=Kosovo: International Reactions to NATO Air Strikes|publisher=Congressional Research Service – The Library of Congress|website=apps.dtic.mil|access-date=2018-12-11|archive-date=2 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200802234114/https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a473513.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|TUR}} – [[Turkey]], a NATO member, supported and was involved in the bombing campaign though it expressed hesitation about a ground offensive.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|pp=206–208}} The Turkish government stressed that NATO's involvement was not about undermining Yugoslav territorial integrity, but about reversing the genocidal policies of the Milošević government.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|pp=206–208}} The Turkish population, as a result of historical, cultural, and religious ties to the Balkans felt a responsibility to assist Kosovo Albanians by supporting their government's position.{{sfn|Dannreuther|2001|pp=206–208}}
* {{flagicon|GRE}} – Greece took no active part in the NATO campaign and 96% of the [[Greeks|Greek population]] was opposed to the [[Operation Allied Force|NATO bombings]].<ref>Takis Michas: "Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milošević's Serbia" p. 121</ref><ref name="Norris9"/>
* {{flagicon|FRA}} – In France, the bulk of the population supported the action but factions on the far left and far right opposed it.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/327457.stm|title=French pilots fly for Nato|work=BBC News|date=1999-04-24|access-date=2013-04-22}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|FR Yugoslavia}} – [[Slobodan Milošević]], the president of the [[Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]] called the bombings, an 'unlawful act of terrorism' and the 'key to colonize Yugoslavia'. The [[Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|Yugoslav population]] also strongly opposed the bombing. Milošević stated that, 'the only correct decision that could have been made was the one to reject foreign troops on our territory.'<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/monitoring/302775.stm|title=Monitoring &#124; Milosevic's statement: 'Defend the country'|work=BBC News|date=1999-03-24|access-date=2012-11-08}}</ref> The Yugoslavs who opposed Milošević also opposed the bombing, saying that it 'supports Milošević rather than attacking him.'<ref>{{Cite web |date=January 2013 |title=Historical MUN Session Topic: Kosovo Conflict January 2013 Study Guide |url=http://afa.at/modelun/studyguidekosovo.pdf |website=Vienna [[Model United Nations]] Club}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|GER}} – Chancellor [[Gerhard Schroeder]] newly elected government supported the NATO campaign; German public opinion was not prepared for a prolonged campaign.<ref name="Norris9"/>
* {{flagicon|ITA}} – The bombing was met with mixed reactions in Italy. Following former prime minister [[Romano Prodi]]'s decision to allow coalition forces to use Italian airbases and military infrastructures, [[Massimo D'Alema]]'s centre-left government authorised the country's participation in the air campaign.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2004/febbraio/25/guerra_del_Kosovo_Parisi_scelte_co_9_040225038.shtml|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140913015641/http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2004/febbraio/25/guerra_del_Kosovo_Parisi_scelte_co_9_040225038.shtml|url-status=dead|archive-date=2014-09-13|title=La guerra del Kosovo, Parisi e le scelte di Prodi e D' Alema'|newspaper=Corriere della Sera|date=2004-02-25|access-date=2014-09-12}}</ref> The bombing was also supported by [[Silvio Berlusconi]] and the centre-right opposition.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.corriere.it/Primo_Piano/Editoriali/2007/03_Marzo/28/errore_cavaliere_battista.shtml|title=L'errore del Cavaliere'|newspaper=Corriere della Sera|date=2007-03-28|access-date=2014-09-12}}</ref> Domestic opposition to the NATO bombing campaign against Serbia was strong.<ref name="Norris9">{{cite book|last=Norris|first=John|title=Collision Course: NATO, Russia, and Kosovo|year=2005|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-0275987534|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LFRq31tqR4sC&q=Greeks+shared|page=9}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|RUS}} – Russia strongly condemned the campaign. [[President of Russia|President]] [[Boris Yeltsin]] stated that, 'Russia is deeply upset by NATO's military action against sovereign Yugoslavia, which is nothing more than open aggression.'<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk" /> They also condemned [[NATO]] at the [[United Nations]] saying that NATO air strikes on Serbia were 'an illegal action.'<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/303127.stm|work=BBC News|title=Russia condemns Nato at UN|date=1999-03-25}}</ref> Some Russians volunteered to go to Kosovo, not only to fight the [[Kosovo Liberation Army|KLA]], but also to oppose [[NATO]].<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/348340.stm|work=BBC News|title=Fighting for a foreign land|date=1999-05-20}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|UK}} – As a contributor to the bombing, the United Kingdom strongly supported the bombing campaign, as did a majority of the [[United Kingdom|British population]].<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/306010.stm|title=Britons 'support Nato strikes'|work=BBC News|date=1999-03-28|access-date=2012-11-08}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|POL}} – The Polish government sanctioned NATO's activities but Poland did not participate in the operation<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.przegladprawoslawny.pl/articles.php?id_n=2012&id=9|title=Bombardowanie Serbii – 10 lat później|date=2009|publisher=przegladprawoslawny.pl|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180202130547/http://www.przegladprawoslawny.pl/articles.php?id_n=2012&id=9|archive-date=2018-02-02|url-status=dead}}</ref> There were demonstrations in [[Warsaw]] against the bombing.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.archiwum.wyborcza.pl/Archiwum/1,0,715706,19990331RP-DGW,Przeciw_nalotom_NATO,.html|title=Przeciw nalotom NATO|date=1999|publisher=archiwum.wyborcza.pl}}</ref>
* {{flagicon|BUL}} – Bulgaria allowed its airspace to be used by NATO aircraft for attacks.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/kosovo/etc/cron.html|title=A Kosovo chronology|date=4 May 1999|publisher=PBS.org|access-date=5 March 2016}}</ref> Despite [[Bulgaria]]'s ambitions of joining both [[NATO]] and the [[European Union]], the leftist opposition organised street protests in Sofia over the [[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia]], the public was reportedly deeply divided because of sympathy for their fellow Slavs and Christian Orthodox Serb neighbours but also a desire to join the European Union and NATO.<ref>Steven Woehrel, Julie Kim, and Carl Ek, [https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/20030425_RL30168_cb3fc596d8bdf0300e599d40025dfc6544f0e459.pdf "NATO Applicant States" ''Congressional Research Service'' (2003) pp. 9–12]</ref> Several NATO missiles and aircraft strayed off course into Bulgaria.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/331127.stm|title=Sofia hit by Nato missile |work=BBC News|date=1999-04-29|access-date=2014-11-25}}</ref>
*{{flagicon|ROU}} – Romania allowed NATO planes to use Romanian airspace to strike targets in Serbia. Supporting NATO during the Yugoslav Wars got Romania's position as an [[Romania-NATO relations|official NATO member]] in [[2004]]. However, a overwhelming majority of Romanians continued showing support to their historical Orthodox Christian ally Serbia, most Romanian citizens strongly opposed the NATO bombing campaign.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://newsweek.ro/istorie/calendar-9-22-aprilie-avioanele-nato-bombardeaza-serbia-venind-din-romania|newspaper=Newsweek|date=9 April 2021|language=ro |title=CALENDAR 9–22 APRILIE – Avioanele NATO bombardează Serbia venind din România &#124; Newsweek Romania }}</ref>
 
===Oceania===
* {{flagicon|Australia}} – Australia supported the campaign. Prime Minister [[John Howard]] stated that, "history has told us that if you sit by and do nothing, you pay a much greater price later on."<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/303446.stm|title=Nato air strikes – the world reacts|work=BBC News|date=1999-03-25|access-date=2012-11-08}}</ref>
 
===United Nations===
* {{flagicon|United Nations}} – The [[United Nations]] had mixed reactions to the bombing, which was carried out without its authorisation.<ref>{{cite news|first=Doug|last=Saunders|title=In Syria, is bloody history repeating itself?|url=https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/in-syria-is-bloody-history-repeating-itself/article4464412/|access-date=2012-11-08|work=The Globe and Mail|date=6 August 2012 |___location=Toronto}}</ref> [[Kofi Annan]], the UN Secretary-General said, "In spite of all the efforts made by the international community, the Yugoslav authorities have persisted in their rejection of a political settlement ... it is indeed tragic that diplomacy has failed, but there are times when the use of force is legitimate in the pursuit of peace"<ref name="news.bbc.co.uk" /> adding that "the [UN Security] Council should be involved in any decision to resort to the use of force."<ref>{{cite web |title=Secretary-General deeply regrets Yugoslav rejection of political settlement; says Security Council should be involved in any decision to use force |url=https://www.un.org/press/en/1999/sgsm6938.doc.htm |website=UN |access-date=5 April 2022}}</ref>
 
==Military and political consequences==
{{Main|Political status of Kosovo}}
The Kosovo War had a number of important consequences in terms of the military and political outcome. The status of Kosovo remains unresolved; international negotiations began in 2006 to determine Kosovo's level of autonomy as envisaged under [[UN Security Council Resolution 1244]], but efforts failed. The province is administered by the United Nations despite its [[2008 Kosovo declaration of independence|unilateral declaration of independence]] on 17 February 2008.
 
[[File:Seized uniform.JPG|thumb|Seized uniform and equipment of US soldiers 1999 in Kosovo War]]
 
The UN-backed talks, led by UN Special Envoy [[Martti Ahtisaari]], had begun in February 2006. Whilst progress was made on technical matters, both parties remained diametrically opposed on the question of status itself.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6034567.stm|title=UN frustrated by Kosovo deadlock|publisher=BBC|date=2006-10-09}}</ref> In February 2007, Ahtisaari delivered a draft status settlement proposal to leaders in Belgrade and Pristina, the basis for a draft UN Security Council Resolution which proposes "supervised independence" for the province, which is in contrary to UN Security Council Resolution 1244. By July 2007, the draft resolution, which was backed by the United States, United Kingdom, and other European members of the [[Security Council]], had been rewritten four times to try to accommodate Russian concerns that such a resolution would undermine the principle of state sovereignty.<ref>{{cite web|title=Russia reportedly rejects fourth draft resolution on Kosovo status|date=2007-06-29 |url=http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/newsbriefs/setimes/newsbriefs/2007/06/29/nb-07 |work=[[Southeast European Times]]}}</ref> Russia, which holds a veto in the Security Council as one of [[Permanent members of the United Nations Security Council|five permanent members]], stated that it would not support any resolution which is not acceptable to both Belgrade and Priština.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/newsbriefs/setimes/newsbriefs/2007/07/10/nb-02 |title=UN Security Council remains divided on Kosovo|date=2007-10-07|work=[[Southeast European Times]]}}</ref>
 
The campaign exposed significant weaknesses in the US arsenal, which were later addressed for the [[War in Afghanistan (2001–2021)|Afghanistan]] and [[2003 invasion of Iraq|Iraq]] campaigns. [[AH-64 Apache|Apache attack helicopters]] and [[AC-130 Spectre]] gunships were brought up to the front lines but were never used after two Apaches crashed during training in the Albanian mountains. Stocks of many precision missiles were reduced to critically low levels. For combat aircraft, continuous operations resulted in skipped maintenance schedules, and many aircraft were withdrawn from service awaiting spare parts and service.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.aeronautics.ru/nws002/theobserver04.htm |title=Hundreds of crippled jets put RAF in crisis |first=Antony |last=Barnett |date=2000-01-23 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20020105123907/http://www.aeronautics.ru/nws002/theobserver04.htm |archive-date=2002-01-05 }}</ref> Also, many of the precision-guided weapons proved unable to cope with Balkan weather, as the clouds blocked the laser guidance beams. This was resolved by retrofitting bombs with [[Global Positioning System]] satellite guidance devices that are immune to bad weather. Although [[Unmanned aerial vehicle|pilotless surveillance aircraft]] were extensively used, often attack aircraft could not be brought to the scene quickly enough to hit targets of opportunity. This led missiles being fitted to Predator drones in Afghanistan, reducing the "sensor to shooter" time to virtually zero.
 
Kosovo also showed that some low-tech tactics could reduce the impact of a high-tech force such as NATO; the Milošević government cooperated with [[Saddam Hussein]]'s Ba'athist regime in [[Ba'athist Iraq|Iraq]], passing on many of the lessons learned in the [[Gulf War]].<ref>{{cite web|work=[[The Globe and Mail]]|url= http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews |title=NATO attack on Yugoslavia gave Iraq good lessons |url-status=dead |archive-date=2002-11-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20021122163917/http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews}}</ref> The Yugoslav army had long expected to need to resist a much stronger enemy, either [[Red Army|Soviet]] or NATO, during the [[Cold War]] and had developed tactics of deception and concealment in response. These would have been unlikely to have resisted a full-scale invasion for long, but were probably used to mislead overflying aircraft and satellites. Among the tactics used were:
* US [[Stealth aircraft|stealth aeroplanes]] were tracked with [[radar]]s operating on long wavelengths. If stealth jets got wet or opened their bomb bay doors, they would become visible on the radar screens. The [[1999 F-117A shootdown|downing of an F-117 Nighthawk]] by a missile was possibly spotted in this way.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj02/sum02/lambeth.html|title=Kosovo and the Continuing SEAD Challenge|access-date=28 May 2011|first=Benjamin S.|last=Lambeth|date=2006-06-03|work=Aerospace Power Journal|publisher=[[United States Air Force]]|quote=Serb air defenders could have employed low-frequency radars for the best chance of getting a snap look at the aircraft. Former F-117 pilots and several industry experts acknowledged that the aircraft is detectable by such radars when viewed from the side or directly below.|url-status=dead|archive-date=14 May 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110514135828/http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj02/sum02/lambeth.html}}</ref>
* Dummy targets such as fake bridges, airfields and decoy aeroplanes and tanks were used extensively. Tanks were made using old tires, plastic sheeting and logs, and sand cans and fuel set alight to mimic heat missions. Serbia claims they fooled NATO pilots into bombing hundreds of decoys, though General Clark's survey found that in Operation: Allied Force, NATO airmen hit just 25 decoys{{snd}}an insignificant percentage of the 974 validated hits.<ref name="fooled">{{cite web|url=http://www.afa.org/magazine/june2000/0600kosovo.asp |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030629000133/http://www.afa.org/magazine/June2000/0600kosovo.asp |url-status=dead |archive-date=2003-06-29 |date=June 2000 |title=Nine Myths About Kosovo |first=Rebecca |last=Grant }}</ref> [[NATO]] sources claim that this was due to operating procedures, which oblige troops, in this case aircraft, to engage any and all targets, however unlikely they may be. The targets needed only to look real to be shot at when detected. NATO claimed that the Yugoslav air force was devastated: "Official data show that the Yugoslav army in Kosovo lost 26 percent of its tanks, 34 percent of its APCs, and 47 percent of the artillery to the air campaign."<ref name="fooled" />
 
== Military decorations ==
As a result of the Kosovo War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization created a second NATO medal, the [[NATO Medal]] for Kosovo Service, an [[international military decoration]]. Shortly thereafter, NATO created the Non-Article 5 Medal for Balkans service to combine both Yugoslavian and Kosovo operations into one service medal.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.defense.gov/releases/release.aspx?releaseid=2449|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100302012133/http://www.defense.gov/releases/release.aspx?releaseid=2449|url-status=live|archive-date=2 March 2010|title=News Release: Kosovo Campaign Medal Approved|website=Defense.gov|date=19 May 2000|access-date=2012-05-06}}</ref>
 
Due to the involvement of the [[United States armed forces]], a separate [[awards and decorations of the United States military|US military decoration]], known as the [[Kosovo Campaign Medal]], was established by President [[Bill Clinton]] in 2000.
 
The [[Kosovo Campaign Medal]] (KCM) is a military award of the [[United States Armed Forces]] established by Executive Order 13154 of President Bill Clinton on 3 May 2000. The medal recognises military service performed in Kosovo from 24 March 1999 through 31 December 2013.
 
== See also ==
{{Portal|1990s}}
* [[Albania–Yugoslav border incident]]
* [[Destruction of Albanian heritage in Kosovo]]
* [[Destruction of Serbian heritage in Kosovo]]
* [[Insurgency in the Preševo Valley]]
* [[Operation Horseshoe]]
* [[State Security Service (Serbia)]]
* [[2004 unrest in Kosovo]]
 
== Notes ==
{{Notelist}}
 
== References ==
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Pilger}} Pilger, John (4 September 2000). "[http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0FQP/is_4502_129/ai_65377401 US and British officials told us that at least 100,000 were murdered in Kosovo. A year later, fewer than 3,000 bodies have been found&nbsp;...". ''New Statesman''.-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|BBC}} "[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1402790.stm#kosovo The charges against Milosevic]". (5 July 2004). BBC.-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Pearl}} Pearl, Daniel and Block, Robert (31 December 1999). "War in Kosovo Was Cruel, Bitter, Savage; Genocide It Wasn't". ''The Wall Street Journal'', p. A1.-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Pearl2}} ibid-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|BBC2}} "[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1530781.stm Kosovo assault 'was not genocide']". (7 September 2001). BBC.-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|BBC3}} ibid-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|ICTY}} "[https://web.archive.org/web/20010711140431/http://www.un.org:80/icty/indictment/english/mil-ai010629e.htm Milosevic et al. - Amended Indictment]".-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|Swain}} Swain, Jon (31 October 1999). "[http://www.agitprop.org.au/stopnato/1999110103.htm Lost in the Kosovo numbers game]". ''The Sunday Times''.-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|NatoPa2000}} NATO Parliamentary Assembly Political Committee, November 2000. "[http://www.nato-pa.int/archivedpub/comrep/2000/at-261-e.asp General Report: Kosovo Aftermath and its Implications for Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management]"-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|pilger}} [http://pilger.carlton.com/print/133403] – Pilger article on post-war situation.-->
<!-- No longer referenced: {{note|legality}} [http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/RESOLUTION/GEN/NR0/068/54/IMG/NR006854.pdf] (PDF), [http://untreaty.un.org/ilc/summaries/7_5.htm], [http://untreaty.un.org/ilc/guide/7_5.htm] -- UNO laws, definition of aggression (subsources for some of above sources).-->
 
== Sources ==
* {{cite book|last=Abrahams |first=Fred |date=2001 |title=Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo|publisher=Human Rights Watch|isbn=978-1-56432-264-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1n8DrZg2rb8C}}
* {{cite book |last1=Bacevich |last2=Cohen |first1=Andrew J. |first2=Elliot A. |year=2001 |publisher=Columbia University Press |url=https://archive.org/details/waroverkosovopol00bace |url-access=registration |title=War Over Kosovo: Politics and Strategy in a Global Age |isbn=978-0231500524}}
* {{cite book |last1=Daalder |last2=O'Hanlon|first1=Ivo H. |first2=Michel E.|year=2000|publisher=Brookings Institution Press |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DYh9Hltwp1cC |title=Winning Ugly: NATO's War to Save Kosovo|isbn=978-0815798422}}
* {{cite book |last=Dannreuther|first=Roland|chapter=Perceptions in the Middle East|editor1-last=Buckley |editor1-first=Mary|editor2-last=Cummings|editor2-first=Sally|title=Kosovo: Perceptions of War and Its Aftermath |year=2001 |publisher=A&C Black|isbn=978-0826456694|chapter-url = https://books.google.com/books?id=qeOEysQTpcoC&q=Kosovo+War+Turkey&pg=PA208 }}
* {{cite book|first=Robert|last=Elsie|title=Historical Dictionary of Kosovo|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Pg-aeA-nUeAC|year= 2010|publisher=Scarecrow Press|isbn=978-0-8108-7483-1}}
* {{cite journal |last1=Herscher |first1=Andrew |last2=Riedlmayer |first2=András |title=Monument and crime: The destruction of historic architecture in Kosovo |jstor=1262553 |journal=Grey Room |volume=1 |issue=1 |year=2000 |pages=108–122 |doi=10.1162/152638100750173083 |s2cid=57566872}}
* {{cite book|last=Judah|first=Tim|author-link=Tim Judah|title=Kosovo: War and Revenge|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sVf1na3FN_UC |year=2002|publisher=Yale University Press |___location=New Haven and London|isbn=978-0-30009-725-2}}
* {{cite book |editor-last=Krieger|editor-first=Heike|year=2001 |title=The Kosovo Conflict and International Law: An Analytical Documentation 1974–1999 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0521800716 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-OhPTJn8ZWoC}}
* {{cite book|last1=Klip|first1=André|last2=Sluiter|first2=Göran|year=2001|title=The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia 1997–1999|series=Annotated Leading Cases of International Criminal Tribunals |volume=3 |isbn=978-90-5095-141-8|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kwR88-rsWaoC}}
* {{cite book |last=Malcolm |first=Noel |author-link=Noel Malcolm |title=Kosovo: A Short History |publisher=[[Macmillan Publishers|Macmillan]] |url=https://archive.org/details/kosovo-a-short-history/page/52/mode/2up|year=1998 |isbn=978-0-333-66612-8}}
* {{cite book |last=Macdonald|first=Scott|year=2007|publisher=Routledge |url = https://books.google.com/books?id=JjxCIc247pYC |title=Propaganda and Information Warfare in the Twenty-First Century: Altered Images and Deception Operations|isbn=978-1135983512}}
* {{cite book |last = Meier |first = Viktor |year = 1999 |title = Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise |publisher = Routledge |___location = [[New York City|New York]] |isbn = 0-415-18595-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lRCDR464ut0C}}
* {{cite book|last1=Mincheva |last2=Gurr|first1=Lyubov Grigorova |first2=Ted Robert|year=2013 |publisher=Routledge|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vFNwrdnzQq0C |title=Crime-Terror Alliances and the State: Ethnonationalist and Islamist Challenges to Regional Security |isbn=978-0-415-50648-9}}
* {{cite book |last1=Reveron |first1=Derek S. |last2=Murer |first2=Jeffrey Stevenson |title=Flashpoints in the War on Terrorism |date=2006 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-0-415-95491-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OjvdsfiWwJcC |language=en}}
* {{cite book |last=Thomas|first=Nigel|year=2006|publisher=Osprey Publishing |title=The Yugoslav Wars (2): Bosnia, Kosovo And Macedonia 1992–2001 |isbn=978-1841769646 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=a7cOQ9Nch2AC}}
 
== Further reading ==
* {{cite book|last=Bajgora|first=Sabri|title=Destruction of Islamic Heritage in the Kosovo War 1998–1999|year=2014|___location=Pristina|publisher=Interfaith Kosovo, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo |url = https://books.google.com/books?id=24vVoAEACAAJ&q=Destruction+of+Islamic+Heritage+in+the++Kosovo+War,+1998-1999 |isbn=978-9951595025}}
* Buckley, William Joseph, ed. (2000) [https://books.google.com/books?id=4H9pAAAAMAAJ Kosovo: Contending Voices on Balkan Interventions] Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans.
* Ejdus, Filip. 2020. ''[https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030206666 Crisis and Ontological Insecurity: Serbia's Anxiety over Kosovo's Secession]''. Palgrave.
* Freitag, Markus, Sara Kijewski, and Malvin Oppold. (2019) "War experiences, economic grievances, and political participation in postwar societies: An empirical analysis of Kosovo." ''Conflict management and peace science'' 36.4 (2019): 405–424.
* Hoxha, Abit, and Kenneth Andresen. (2021) "Violence, War, and Gender: Collective Memory and Politics of Remembrance in Kosovo." in ''Europeanisation and Memory Politics in the Western Balkans'' (Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2021) pp.&nbsp;263–283.
* [[Michael Ignatieff|Ignatieff, Michael]]. Virtual War: Kosovo and Beyond. {{ISBN|9780312278359}}.
* Kahn, Paul W. (2017) "War and sacrifice in Kosovo." in ''Philosophical Dimensions of Public Policy'' (Routledge, 2017) pp.&nbsp;201–209. [http://ojs2.gmu.edu/PPPQ/article/viewFile/316/244 online]
* Lambeth, Benjamin S. ''NATO's Air War for Kosovo: A Strategic and Operational Assessment'' (2001)
* McAllister, Jacqueline R. "The Extraordinary Gamble: How the Yugoslav Tribunal's Indictment of Slobodan Milosevic during the Kosovo War Affected Peace Efforts." ''Brown Journal of World Affairs'' 26 (2019): 201+.
* {{cite book |last=Mann|first=Michael|ref=Mann|year=2005|publisher=Cambridge University Press |url = https://books.google.com/books?id=cGHGPgj1_tIC |title=The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing |isbn=978-0521538541 }}
* Neumann, Iver B. (2018) "Kosovo and the end of the legitimate warring state." in ''Mapping European security after Kosovo'' (Manchester University Press, 2018) [https://www.manchesteropenhive.com/view/9781526137517/9781526137517.00009.xml online].
* Rasmussen, Mikkel Vedby. (2018) "‘War is never civilised’: Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war". (Manchester University Press, 2018) [https://www.manchesteropenhive.com/view/9781526137517/9781526137517.00014.xml online].
 
==External links==
{{Commons category|Kosovo War}}
{{External links}}
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20010711140431/http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/mil-ai010629e.htm Indictment of Milosevic] United Nations
*[http://www.nato.int/kosovo/all-frce.htm#pb NATO website: Operation Allied Force]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20121215051137/http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/552554 Video on Kosovo War] from the [https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/552494/browse?type=title Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives]
*[http://www.aeronautics.ru/official/losthelicopters.htm Officially confirmed & documented NATO helicopter losses in Kosovo war]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20081207191558/http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/ramb.htm Text of Rambouillet Treaty&nbsp;– "Interim Agreement for Peace and Self-Government In Kosovo, Rambouillet, France&nbsp;– 23 February 1999," including Appendix B] University of Pittsburgh Jurist
*[http://www.jfsc.ndu.edu/library/publications/bibliography/kosovo_allied_force.asp Link to English language literature list on Operationa Allied Force]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20171019033654/http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-diplo&month=9905&week=b&msg=kpjsP0IkA283E2EWIFYvvA&user=&pw= Beginning of discussion (14 May 1999 to 8 June 1999, specifically) of Appendix B of the Rambouillet Treaty on H-Diplo, the diplomatic history forum] [[H-Net]]
*[http://www.alb-net.com/warcrimes-img/warcrimes.htm Alb-Net] Albanian victims during the Kosovo war, prior to NATO strikes
* [https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p007z15k BBC-World Service Witness: Kosovo War] (10 years on interview with ex-Yugoslav soldier)
*[http://www.rastko.org.yu/kosovo/ljudi/index_c.html Books and reports on Kosovo, in Serbian and English - People]
* {{Citation | url = http://www.heritage.sense-agency.com/ | title = Targeting History and Memory | publisher = SENSE – Transitional Justice Center}} (dedicated to the study, research, and documentation of the destruction and damage of historic heritage during the Balkan Wars of the 1990s. The website contains judicial documents from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)).
*[http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/kosovo_crisis/destruction/ Civilian Casualties and Destruction in NATO bombing]
*[http://www.rastko.org.yu/kosovo/crucified/default.htm Crucified Kosovo: Account of destroyed Serbian Orthodox churches in Kosovo]
*[http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/1998/10/kosovo/ Focus on Kosovo (CNN special)]
*[http://www.zmag.org/CrisesCurEvts/germandocs.htm German Foreign Office Report]
*[http://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/ Human Rights Watch - UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo (an overview)]
*[http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/kosov2/ Human Rights Watch report on atrocities against Kosovo Serbs and Roma after June 1999]
*[http://www.hrw.org/press/2000/02/nato207.htm Human Rights Watch report on civilian casualties caused by NATO bombing]
*[http://www.hrw.org/reports98/kosovo/ Human Rights Watch report on humanitarian violations by both sides]
*[http://hrw.org/reports/2004/kosovo0704/7.htm#_Toc77665984 Human Rights Watch - True Human Rights for Serbian in Kosovo now]
*[http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,,1211214,00.html 'Nato force 'feeds Kosovo sex trade' - The Guardian]
*[http://web.amnesty.org/actforwomen/stories-9-eng Amnesty International - Kosovo: Trafficked women and girls have human rights]
*[http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/mil-ai010629e.htm Indictment of Milosevic]
*[http://ics.leeds.ac.uk/papers/vf01.cfm?folder=4&outfit=pmt The Kosovo conflict 1999], collection of news articles by The Institute of Communications Studies, University of Leeds
*[http://web.tiscali.it/osservatoriobc International Observatory for Protection of Cultural Patrimony in Areas of Crisis] (situation of Kosovo cultural patrimony and presentation of the book Fabio Maniscalco, ''Kosovo e Metohija 1998-2000'', 2001 ISBN 88-87835-02-0
*[http://www.kosovo.net/default2.html Kosovo after the war, destruction of Serbian heritage]
*[http://www.osce.org/kosovo/documents/reports/hr/part1/ OSCE - Kosovo/Kosova As Seen, As Told, 1999]
*[http://www.kosovo.net Kosovo, the Land of the Living Past]
*[http://www.axisglobe.com/article.asp?article=481 Kosovo is heating up again]
*[http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/kosovo.html Maps of Kosovo, Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection]
*[http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/issue_milosevic.htm Milosevic trial links]
*[http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a38e753605be9.htm The Times: Serbian ethnic cleansing scare was a fake, says general]
*[http://www.deltax.net/bissett/a-tragicblunder.htm James Bisset: The tragic blunder in Kosovo]
*[http://pdf.thelancet.com/pdfdownload?uid=llan.355.9222.original_research.1004.1&x=x.pdf War and mortality in Kosovo, 1998 99: an epidemiological testimony] (PDF)
*[http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/kosovo_crisis/nato/ Reports on NATO losses during 1999 Kosovo war]<br>Very Informative site, but may not be neutral to the conflict.
*[http://www.geocities.com/Pentagon/Barracks/3627/kosovo.html At Least 3 americans killed by insurgents in 1999 in Kosovo mission]
*[http://www.guardian.co.uk/macedonia/story/0,,543257,00.html Over 10 British/NATO soldiers die in Kosovo operations]
*[http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews#tactics Yugoslav tactics that worked] (Associated Press)
*[http://www.state.gov/www/regions/eur/rpt_990604_ksvo_ethnic.html US State Dept. fact sheet "The Ethnic Cleansing of Kosovo"]
*[http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/kosovoii/homepage.html ''Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo: An Accounting'', U.S. State Department Report, December 1999]
 
===Reports===
[[Category:Kosovo War| ]]
* [https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/kosovo/ Under Orders: War Crimes in Kosovo] [[Human Rights Watch]]
[[Category:Wars of the NATO|Kosovo]]
* {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20051102025624/http://www.osce.org/documents/mik/1999/11/ |date=2 November 2005 |title=OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission }} [[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe]]
[[Category:Wars in the Balkans|Kosovo]]
* [http://www.nato.int/kosovo/all-frce.htm#pb Operation Allied Force], NATO
* [https://www.hrw.org/reports98/kosovo/ Humanitarian law violations in Kosovo], HRW (1998)
* [https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/kosov2/ Abuses against Serbs and Roma in the new Kosovo], HRW (1999)
* [https://1997-2001.state.gov/www/regions/eur/rpt_990604_ksvo_ethnic.html The Ethnic Cleansing of Kosovo], [[United States Department of State]]
* [https://1997-2001.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/kosovoii/homepage.html Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo: An Accounting], [[United States Department of State]]
* [http://webarchive.loc.gov/all/20050416071947/http://pdf.thelancet.com/pdfdownload?uid=llan.355.9222.original_research.1004.1&x=x.pdf War and mortality in Kosovo, 1998 99: an epidemiological testimony] ''[[The Lancet]]'' (PDF)
* [http://trebinjedanas.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2230&Itemid=47 Trebinje danas.com] K. Mitrovica: Više od 100 povrijeđenih Srba, UNMIK policajaca i Kfora
 
===Media===
[[de:Kosovo-Krieg]]
* [https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/kosovo/ War in Europe] [[PBS Frontline]]
[[es:Guerra de Kosovo]]
* [http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/kosovo_fact_files/default.stm Kosovo fact files] [[BBC News]]
[[fr:Guerre du Kosovo]]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20000815075301/http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/1998/10/kosovo/ Focus on Kosovo] [[CNN]]
[[it:Guerra del Kosovo]]
* [https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCHTK-2W11Vh1V4uwofOfR4w/search?query=kosovo Kosovo War on AP Video Archive] [[Associated Press]]
[[ja:コソボ紛争]]
 
[[no:Kosovokrigen]]
===Maps===
[[sr:Косовски рат]]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20040111054136/http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/kosovo.html Maps of Kosovo, Perry–Castañeda Library Map Collection]
[[sv:Kriget i Kosovo]]
 
[[th:สงครามโคโซโว]]
{{Post-Cold War European conflicts}}
[[zh:科索沃战争]]
{{Kosovo topics}}
{{Yugoslavia topics}}
{{Kosovo–Serbia relations}}
{{Presidency of Bill Clinton}}
{{Authority control}}
 
[[Category:Kosovo War| ]]
[[Category:1998 in Kosovo]]
[[Category:1999 in Kosovo]]
[[Category:Albania–Serbia relations]]
[[Category:Albania–United Kingdom relations]]
[[Category:Albania–United States relations]]
[[Category:Albania–Yugoslavia relations]]
[[Category:Conflicts in 1998]]
[[Category:Conflicts in 1999]]
[[Category:Ethnic cleansing in Europe]]
[[Category:Military history of Kosovo]]
[[Category:Kosovo–Serbia relations]]
[[Category:Kosovo–United Kingdom relations]]
[[Category:Kosovo–United States relations]]
[[Category:Presidency of Bill Clinton]]
[[Category:Wars involving NATO]]
[[Category:Wars involving Serbia]]
[[Category:Wars involving Kosovo]]
[[Category:Modern history of Kosovo]]