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{{Short description|Morphological system}}
{{anchor|Classifier handshape}} <!-- The page [[Classifier handshapes]] was turned into a redirect in 2019 and looks for this anchor. If there is a section on classifier handshapes in the article, move this anchor to that section. -->
In
Classifiers share some limited similarities with the [[
[[Nancy
== Description ==
<!-- introduction -->In classifier constructions, the [[handshape]] is the classifier representing an entity, such as a horse.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=74}} The signer can represent its movement and/or speed in an
<!-- differences from lexical signs -->The handshape, movement and relative ___location in these constructions are meaningful on their own.{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=49}} This is in contrast to two-handed lexical signs, in which the two hands do not contribute to the meaning of the sign on their own.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=78-79}} The handshapes in a two-handed classifier construction are signed in a specific order if they represent an entity's ___location. The first sign usually represents the unmoving [[Figure–ground (perception)|ground]] (for example a surface). The second sign represents the smaller [[Figure–ground (perception)|figure]] in focus (for example a person walking).{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=51}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=86}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=164}} While the handshape is usually determined by the visual aspects of the entity in question,{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=22}} there are other factors. The way in which the [[Agent (grammar)|doer]] interacts with the entity{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=22-23}} or the entity's movement{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=24}} can also affect the handshape choice. Classifiers also often co-occur with verbs.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=164}} Not much is known yet about their [[syntax]]{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=316}} or [[phonology]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=169}}
<!-- mental rotation -->Classifier constructions are produced from the perspective of the signer. This means that the addressee must [[Mental rotation|mentally flip]] the construction horizontally to understand it correctly. For example, if the addressee sees the signer place an object on the right side from
<!-- breaking of dominance and symmetry constraint -->Two-handed lexical signs are limited in form by two constraints. The Dominance Condition states that the non-dominant hand cannot move and that its handshape comes from a restricted set. The Symmetry Condition states that both hands must have the same handshape, movement and orientation.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=36-38}} Classifier constructions, on the other hand, can break both of these restrictions. This further exemplifies the difference in phonology and morphology between lexical signs and classifiers.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=90}}
<!-- consequences of having two articulators -->Unlike spoken language, sign languages have two articulators that can move independently.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=85-86}} The more active hand is termed the dominant hand whereas the less active hand is non-dominant.{{Sfn|Hill|Lillo-Martin|Wood|2019|p=34}} The active hand is the same as the signer's [[Handedness|dominant hand]], although it is possible to switch the hands' role.{{Sfn|Crasborn|2006|p=69}} The two hands allow signers to represent two entities at the same time, although with some limitations. For example, a woman walking past a zigzagging car cannot be signed at the same time. This is because two simultaneous constructions cannot have differing movements; one would have to sign them sequentially.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=85-86
=== Argument structure ===
Classifiers constructions may show [[Agreement (linguistics)|agreement]] with various [[Argument (linguistics)|arguments]] in its ___domain. In the example below, the handshape agrees with the [[direct object]], using a "thin object" handshape for flowers and a "round object" handshape for apples. Agreement between [[Subject (grammar)|subject]] and [[indirect object]] is marked with a path movement from the former to the latter. This manner of marking agreement is shared with some lexical signs.{{Sfn|Carlo|2014|p=49-50}}
{{interlinear|indent=3
|CHILD<sub>1</sub> MOTHER<sub>2</sub> FLOWER Cl<sub>thin-object</sub>-<sub>1</sub>GIVE<sub>2</sub>||The child gives a flower to the mother.}}
{{interlinear|indent=3
|CHILD<sub>1</sub> MOTHER<sub>2</sub> APPLE Cl<sub>round-object</sub>-<sub>1</sub>GIVE<sub>2</sub>||The child gives an apple to the mother.}}There are also correlations in [[American Sign Language]] (ASL) between specific types of classifier constructions and the kind of [[Valency (linguistics)|argument structure]] they have:{{Sfn|Carlo|2014|p=52}}
# Predicates with a handling classifier are [[Transitive verb|transitive]] (with an external and an internal argument)
# Predicates with a whole entity classifier are intransitive [[Unaccusative verb|unaccusative]] (one single internal argument)
# Predicates with a body part classifier are intransitive [[Unergative verb|unergative]] (one single external argument)
=== Classification ===
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*'''Extension morphemes''': Movement does not represent actual motion, but the outline of the entity's shape or perimeter. It can also represent the configuration of multiple similar entities, such as a line of books.
Whole entity classifiers and handling classifiers are the most established classifier types.{{Sfn|
Certain types of classifiers and movements cannot be combined for grammatical reasons. For example, in ASL manner of motion cannot be combined with limb classifiers. To indicate a person limping in a circle, one must first sign the manner of motion (limping), then the limb classifiers (the legs).{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=81}}
<!-- cross-linguistic comparison -->There is little research on the differences in classifier constructions across sign languages.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Most seem to have them and can be described in similar terms.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Many unrelated languages encode the same entity with similar handshapes.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=26}} This is even the case for children not exposed to language who use a [[home sign]] system to communicate.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=26}} Handling classifiers along with extension and surface classifiers are especially likely to be the same across languages.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=26}} === Relation to gestures ===
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=== Lexicalization ===
{{
Certain classifier constructions may also, over time, lose their general meaning and become fully-fledged signs. This process is referred to as [[lexicalization]].{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=260}}{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=87}} These types of signs are referred to as frozen signs.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=169-170}} For example, the ASL sign FALL seems to have come from a classifier construction. This classifier construction consists of a V-shaped hand, which represents the legs, moving down. As it became more like a sign, it could also be used with non-animate referents, like apples or boxes. As a sign, the former classifier construction now conforms to the usual constraints of a word, such as consisting of one syllable.{{Sfn|Aronoff|Meir|p=69-70|Padden|Sandler|2003}} The resulting sign must not be a simple sum of its combined parts, but can have a different meaning entirely.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=179}} They may serve as the [[Root (linguistics)|root morpheme]] that serves as the base for aspectual and derivational affixes. Classifiers cannot take these types of affixes.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=170}}
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It wasn't until the 1960s that sign languages were being studied seriously.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Initially, classifier constructions were not regarded as full linguistic systems.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}}{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=11}} This was due to their high degree of apparent variability and iconicity.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=11}} Consequently, early analyses described them in terms of visual imagery.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=158}} Linguists started focusing on proving that sign languages were real languages. They started paying less attention to their iconic properties and more to the way they are organized.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}}
[[Nancy
The start of the study of sign language classifier coincided with a renewed interest in [[Classifier (linguistics)|spoken language classifiers]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=160}} In 1977, [[Keith Allan (linguist)|Allan]] performed a survey of classifier systems in spoken languages. He compared classifier constructions to the "predicate classifiers" used in the [[Athabaskan languages|Athabaskan]] languages.{{Sfn|Keith|1977}} These are a family of oral [[Indigenous languages of the Americas|indigenous languages]] spoken throughout North America.{{Sfn|Fernald|Platero|p=3|2000}} Reasons for comparing them included standardizing terminology and proving that sign languages are similar to spoken languages.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=10-11}} Allan described predicate classifiers as separate verbal [[morpheme]]s that denote some salient aspect of the associated noun.{{Sfn|Keith|1977}} However, [[Adam
In 1982, [[Ted
In the 1990s, a renewed interested in the relation between sign languages and gesture took place.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Some linguists, such as {{harvp|Liddell|2000}}, called the linguistic status of classifier constructions into question, especially the ___location and movement.{{Sfn|Crasborn|p=68|2006}} There were two reasons for doing so. First, the imitative gestures of non-signers are similar to classifiers.{{Sfn|Brentari|Fenlon|p=|Cormier|2018}} Second, very many types of movement and locations can be used in these constructions. [[Scott
Similar to Allan, [[Colette Grinevald|Grinevald]] also compared sign language classifiers to spoken classifiers in 2000.{{Sfn|Grinevald|2000|p=}} Specifically, she focused on verbal classifiers, which act as verbal affixes.{{Sfn|Aronoff|Meir|p=63-64|Padden|Sandler|2003}} She lists the following example from [[Cayuga language|Cayuga]], an [[Iroquoian languages|Iroquoian]] language:{{Sfn|Grinevald|2000|p=67}}
{{interlinear|indent=3
The classifier for the word vehicle in Cayuga, ''{{not a typo|-treht-}}'', is similar to whole entity classifiers in sign languages. Similar examples have been found in [[Diegueño language|Digueño]], which has morphemes that act like extension and surface classifiers in sign languages. Both examples are attached to the verb and cannot stand alone.{{Sfn|Sandler|Lillo-Martin|2006|p=84}} It is now accepted that classifiers in spoken and signed languages are similar, contrary to what was previously believed.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=180}} They both track references grammatically, can form new words and may emphasize a salient aspect of an entity.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=180}} The main difference is that sign language only have verbal classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=180}} The classifiers systems in spoken languages are more diverse in function and distribution.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=175-176}}
Despite the many proposed alternative names to the term classifier,{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=4}} and questionable relationship to spoken language classifiers,{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=90}} it continues to be a commonly used term in sign language research.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=90}}
== Linguistic analyses ==
<!-- Introduction and representational analyses -->There is no consensus on how to analyze classifier constructions.{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=254}} Linguistic analyses can be divided into three major categories: representational, morphological, and lexical. Representational analyses were the first attempt at describing classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=159}} This analysis views them as manual representations of movements in the world. Because classifier constructions are highly [[Iconicity|iconic]], representational analyses argue that this form-meaning connection should be the basis for linguistic analysis. This was argued because finite sets of morphemes or parameters cannot account for all potentially meaningful classifier constructions.{{Sfn|DeMatteo|1977}}{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=256-257}} This view has been criticized because it predicts [[ungrammatical|impossible constructions]]. For example, in ASL, a walking classifier handshape cannot be used to represent the movement of an animal in the animal [[classifier (linguistics)|noun class]], even though it is an iconic representation of the event.{{Sfn|Brentari|2010|p=258-259}}{{Clarify|reason=what is a noun class?|date=August 2019}}
<!-- lexical analyses -->Lexical analyses view classifiers as [[lexicalization|partially
<!-- what is the root in morphological analyses -->Morphological analyses differ in what aspect of the construction they consider the root. Supalla argued that the morpheme which expresses motion or ___location is the verbal root to which the handshape morpheme is affixed.{{Sfn|Supalla|1982|p=}} Engberg-Pedersen disagreed with Supalla, arguing that the choice of handshape can fundamentally change how the movement is interpreted. Therefore, she claims the movement should be the root. For example, putting a book on a shelf and a cat jumping on a shelf both use the same movement in ASL, despite being fundamentally different acts.{{Sfn|Schembri|2003|p=21-22}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=88-91}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}} Classifiers are [[Affix|affixes]], meaning that they cannot occur alone and must be [[Bound and free morphemes|bound]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=168}} Classifiers on their own are not specified for place of articulation or movement. This might explain why they are bound: this missing information is filled in by the root.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=168}}
<!-- pronouns -->Certain classifiers are similar to [[pronoun|pronouns]].{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}}{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=88-91}}{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=321}} Like pronouns, the signer has to first introduce the referent, usually by signing or [[fingerspelling]] the noun.{{Sfn|Baker-Shenk|Cokely|p=287|1981}} The classifier is then taken to refer to this referent.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}} Signers do not have to re-introduce the same referent in later constructions; it is understood to still refer to the that referent.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}} Some classifiers also denote a specific group the same way that the pronoun "she" can refer to women or waitresses.{{Sfn|Baker-Shenk|Cokely|p=287|1981}} Similarly, ASL has a classifier which refers to vehicles, but not people or animals.{{Sfn|Baker-Shenk|Cokely|p=287|1981}} In this view, verbal classifiers may be seen as [[Agreement (linguistics)|agreement]] markers for their referents with the movement as its root.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=166}}
== Acquisition ==
The gestures of speaking children sometimes resemble classifier constructions.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=198}} However, signing children learn these constructions as part of a grammatical system, not as iconic representations of events. Owing to their complexity, it takes a long time to master them.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}}{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=174}} Children do not master the use of classifier constructions until the age of eight or nine.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=173}} There are many reasons for this relatively late mastery. Children must learn to express different viewpoints correctly, select the correct handshape and order the construction properly.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} [[Brenda Schick|Schick]] found that the handling classifiers were the most difficult ones to master. This was followed by the extension and surface classifier. The whole entity classifiers had the fewest production errors.{{Sfn|Schick|1990|p=}} Young children prefer to substitute complex classifiers
Children start using classifiers at the age of two.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} These early forms are mostly handling and whole entity classifiers.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} Simple movements are produced correctly as early as 2.6 years of age.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} Complex movements, such as arcs, are more difficult for children to express. The acquisition of ___location in classifier constructions depends on the complexity between the referents and the related spatial locations.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} Simple extension and surface classifiers are produced correctly at 4.5 years of age.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} By the age of five to six, children usually select the correct handshape.{{Sfn|Morgan|Woll|2003|p=300}}{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} At age six to seven, children still make mistakes in representing spatial relationships. In signs with a figure-ground relationship, these children will sometimes omit the ground entirely.{{Sfn|Marschark|Spencer|2003|p=223}} This could be because mentioning them together requires proper coordination of both hands. Another explanation is that children have more trouble learning optional structures in general.{{Sfn|Emmorey|2008|p=196}} Although mostly mastered, children aged nine still have difficulty understanding the locative relations between classifiers.{{Sfn|Zwitserlood|2012|p=174}}
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== References ==
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{{refend}}
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[[Category:Sign language]]
[[Category:Linguistic morphology]]
[[Category:Parts of speech]]
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