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In December 2018 Bolivia signed an agreement with the German company [[ACISA]] for lithium extraction.<ref name=DW2022>{{Cite news |title=Bolivia: el sueño alemán del litio amenaza con derrumbarse |url=https://www.dw.com/es/bolivia-el-sue%C3%B1o-alem%C3%A1n-del-litio-amenaza-con-derrumbarse/a-62118554 |date=2022-06-13 |access-date=2023-04-20 |work=[[Deutsche Welle]] |language=Spanish}}</ref> The cooperation with ACISA was, by June 2022, deemed to have stalled with Bolivia negotiating larger lithium projects with Canadian, Chinese, and United States companies.<ref name=DW2022/> Since the early 2020s, the Bolivian government has been advocating that the countries in the region organize themselves so that they can influence international trade of [[lithium]], including the creation of an organization similar to [[OPEC]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.celag.org/hacia-una-organizacion-latinoamericana-de-paises-exportadores-de-litio-olpel/|title=Hacia una Organización Latinoamericana de Países Exportadores de Litio (OLPEL)|author=|work=CELAG|access-date=2023-03-26|date=2022-05-23|language=es}}</ref>
All lithium extracted in Chile as of 2023 comes from [[Salar de Atacama]].<ref name=Munita>{{Cite news |title=Control estatal de los salares, negociar con SQM y empresa nacional: Las claves de la estrategia del Gobierno por litio |url=https://www.emol.com/noticias/Economia/2023/04/21/1092883/claves-politica-nacional-litio.html |last=Munita C. |first=Ignacia |date=2023-04-21 |access-date=2023-04-21 |work=[[El Mercurio|Emol]] |language=Spanish}}</ref> The only two lithium-extracting companies currently operating in Chile, [[Sociedad Química y Minera|SQM]] and [[Albemarle Corporation|Albemarle]], have licenses to extract lithium until 2030 and 2043 respectively.<ref name=Munita/><ref name=exante21>{{Cite news |title=Las razones del desplome bursátil de SQM tras el anuncio presidencial del litio |url=https://www.ex-ante.cl/las-razones-del-desplome-bursatil-de-sqm-tras-el-anuncio-presidencial-del-litio/ |last=Browne R. |first=Vicente |date=2023-04-21 |access-date=2023-04-21 |work=[[Ex-Ante (online newspaper)|Ex-Ante]] |language=Spanish}}</ref> In April 2023, the Chilean government announced plans for nationalizing its lithium industry.<ref name=reuternat21>{{Cite news |title=Chile plans to nationalize its vast lithium industry |url=https://www.reuters.com/markets/commodities/chile-plans-nationalize-its-vast-lithium-industry-2023-04-21/ |last1=Villegas |first1=Alexander |date=2023-04-21 |access-date=2023-04-21 |work=Reuters |last2=Scheyder |first2=Ernest}}</ref> The announcement impacts chiefly the companies SQM and Albemarle.<ref name=reuternat21/> In response, the [[Share (finance)|shares]] of SQM in the [[Santiago Stock Exchange]] dropped by 15% during the day, their largest daily drop since September 20, 2022.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Acción de SQM se desploma por política del litio y borra más de US$ 3.300 millones en capitalización bursátil |url=https://www.df.cl/mercados/bolsa-monedas/bolsas-hoy-jaidx |last1=Pescio |first1=Benjamín |date=2023-04-21 |access-date=2023-04-22 |work=[[Diario Financiero]] |last2=Arvelo |first2=María C.|language=Spanish}}</ref> The government's decision was thought to have less impact for Albemarle than for SQM given that it had many more years to negotiate before its license
The indigenous inhabitants of Salar de Atacama basin –the [[Atacama people|Likan Antay]]– have a history of both opposing lithium extraction and negotiating for [[shared benefits]] with lithium companies.<ref name=Lorca/> Negotiations occur under the framework of the [[Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989|Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention]] which Chile signed in 2008.<ref name=Lorca/> It is argued that "[a]greements between Indigenous organizations and lithium companies have brought significant economic resources for community development, but have also expanded the mining industry's capacity for social control in the area.".<ref name=Lorca>{{Cite journal |title=Mining indigenous territories: Consensus, tensions and ambivalences in the Salar de Atacama |journal=The Extractive Industries and Society |last1=Lorca |first1=Mauricio |volume=9 |last2=Olivera Andrade |first2=Manuel |doi=10.1016/j.exis.2022.101047 |year=2022 |last3=Escosteguy |first3=Melisa |last4=Köppel |first4=Jonas |last5=Scoville-Simonds |first5=Morgan |last6=Hufty |first6=Marc|page=101047 |s2cid=246456703 |doi-access=free |hdl=11250/3011598 |hdl-access=free }}</ref>
This control is rooted in a dominant discourse that has taken root in the global rush to a sustainable future in light of global [[climate change]].<ref name=":0" /> With lithium being a key strategic resource is facilitating this shift, many countries are rushing to acquire as much as possible.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Dorn |first1=Felix M. |last2=Ruiz Peyré |first2=Fernando |date=2020 |title=Lithium as a Strategic Resource: Geopolitics, Industrialization, and Mining in Argentina |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/15/article/772602 |journal=Journal of Latin American Geography |volume=19 |issue=4 |pages=68–90 |doi=10.1353/lag.2020.0101 |s2cid=226967147 |issn=1548-5811}}</ref> Any form of protest against such mining operations is deemed to be an opposition to climate change, ergo hindering the global agenda in combatting climate change.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":0" /> This discourse has resulted in the marginalisation of opposed
==See also==
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