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'''Miners for Democracy (MFD)''' was a dissident movement within the [[United Mine Workers of America]] which
== Motives Behind MFD's Formation ==
MFD claimed to stand in opposition to corruption that was taking place within the UMW's administration throughout Tony Boyle's term as president of the union.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |last=Gaventa |first=John |title=Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley |publisher=University of Illinios Press |year=1982 |isbn=9780252009853 |pages=165 |language=English}}</ref> In the decade leading up to the murder of Joseph Yablonski, author John Gaventa claims that many rank-and-file members of the union saw UMWA leadership as becoming dictatorial and corrupt.<ref name=":1" /> Forms of corruption identified by MFD as taking place in the union during this time were related to election interference<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Fry |first=Richard |date=2014 |title=Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973 |url= |journal=Labor History |volume=55 |issue=2 |pages=178 |via=JSTOR}}</ref>, the administrators favoring the economic interests of the mines over the miners health and safety<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Fry |first=Richard |date=2014 |title=Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973 |url= |journal=Labor History |volume=55 |issue=2 |pages=174 |via=JSTOR}}</ref>, and a misuse of union funds, including the use of union funds to hire assassins for the murder of Yablonski.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Franklin |first=Ben |date=1973 |title=Boyle Accused of Murder in the Killing of Yablonski |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1973/09/07/archives/boyle-accused-of-murder-in-the-killing-of-yablonski-boyle-and-umw.html}}</ref>
In the late 1960's the safety division of the UMWA was comprised of a single employee, while the Bureau of mines only had 250 inspectors for 5,400 mines<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Kaiser-Schatzlein |first=Robin |date=2021 |title=Talk Like a Red: A Labor History in Two Acts |journal=The Baffler |volume=55 |pages=29 |via=JSTOR}}</ref>. Robin Kaiser-Schlatzlein claims that this was reflect in the 1968 explosion of the No.9 mine of the Consolidation coal mines in Farmington, West Virginia, which left 78 miners dead. In response to the disaster, Boyle was quoted as saying “As long as we mine coal, there is always this inherent danger of explosion”. Chad Montrie says that this caused further frustration among miners who already saw problems with safety concerns in union administration. <ref>{{Cite journal |last=Montrie |first=Chad |date=2000 |title=Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975 |journal=Environmental History |volume=5 |issue=1 |pages=87 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> While the cause of the accident was never determined, methane levels in the mine were high and important safety measures like rock dusting were not occurring routinely, both of which were frequently the cause of mine explosions<ref>{{Cite web |last=Imbrogno |first=Douglas |date=November 20, 2018 |title=Farmington No. 9: The West Virginia Disaster that Changed Coal Mining Forever |url=https://wvpublic.org/farmington-no-9-the-west-virginia-disaster-that-changed-coal-mining-forever/ |access-date=April 12, 2023 |website=WV Public Broadcasting}}</ref>. Richard Fry believes that a lack of safety concerns in the Bureau of Mines amplified these issues. In April of 1970, bureau found over 1000 violations across 108 mines, but did not have enough employees to enforce sanctions on the mine owners.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Fry |first=Richard |date=2014 |title=Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973 |journal=Labor History |volume=5 |issue=2 |pages=177 |via=JSTOR}}</ref>
Election interference took place in the form of intimidation as well as direct interference with ballots. During the election, Boyle and his supporters used violence and intimidation to try and prevent miners from voting for Yablonski.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Montrie |first=Chad |date=2000 |title=Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975 |journal=Environmental History |volume=5 |issue=1 |pages=88 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> Boyle won the 1969 election with 64% of votes.<ref name=":1" /> The same year that Boyle was investigated by the Department of Labor for fraud in the election, he was also being investigated for the misuse of union funds. He was sentenced to 5 years in prison and $179,520 in fines and restitution in March of 1972 after an investigation into his mismanagement of union funds.<ref name=":0" /> He only served six hours in jail before his attorney paid the fines and restitution in full, and he was released.<ref name=":2">{{Cite news |last=Vasquez |first=Juan |date=June 28, 1972 |title=BOYLE SENTENCED TO A 5‐YEAR TERM; IS FINED $130,000 |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1972/06/28/archives/boyle-sentenced-to-a-5year-term-is-fined-130000-umw-leader-ordered.html |access-date=April 12, 2023}}</ref> Two months later, his presidency was voided by a Federal judge on the grounds of voter fraud and irregularities in the 1969 election. The union was overseen by the Department of Labor until a new election could be held in December of 1972.<ref name=":2" />
The following year, Boyle was arrested for and convicted of the murder of Joseph, Margret and Charlotte Yablonski, which in itself was the biggest driving force behind the groups formation, according to Montrie.<ref name=":0" /> Throughout the Department of Labor's investigation of the 1969 election, police were attempting to uncover connections between the murders and union officials.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Fry |first=Richard |date=2014 |title=Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973 |journal=Labor History |volume=55 |issue=2 |pages=178 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> They found the evidence they needed to convict Boyle in September of 1973, where he was given three life sentences for the hiring of assassins to carry out the murder.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Smith |first=J.Y. |date=June 1, 1985 |title=Former UMW Chief Tony Boyle Dies at 83 |work=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/1985/06/01/former-umw-chief-tony-boyle-dies-at-83/b50bdb79-277d-414f-a38c-27a9dd092df4/ |access-date=April 12, 2023}}</ref>
After Boyle's presidency was voided, MFD had to work to construct a platform and choose candidates for the upcoming election to run against Boyle, and a convention was held in Wheeling, West Virginia to do so.<ref name=":0" /> At this convention, they chose Arnold Miller as the presidential candidate, due to his work as the president of a union local and as a leader in the BLA.<ref name=":0" /> The two main issues addressed at the convention to be included in the platform were relating to mine health and safety, and reform of the corrupt administration of the union.<ref name=":0" /> Eventually, MFD and Miller were able to assume control of the union, but more challenges were then presented.<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal |last=Fry |first=Richard |date=2014 |title=Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973 |journal=Labor History |volume=55 |issue=2 |pages=184 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> Miller had no prior experience with running a national union, and Fry believes he did not have the experience necessary to lead the UMWA.<ref name=":3" /> Additionally, the Miller administration identifies the corruption in the union as being so deeply rooted that they had to work on rebuilding the union before they could focus on issues such as health and safety, but there was disagreement among members of the administration on what kinds of reform efforts should take place.<ref name=":3" />
The shift between administrations was not simple, and required some interference from the Department of Labor, to maintain that Boyle did not try to rig the ballots or intimidate voters.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Fry |first=Richard |date=2014 |title=Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973 |journal=Labor History |volume=55 |issue=2 |pages=183 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> The transfer of power proved to be challenging, many pushing back against the reform.<ref name=":3" /> Gaventa says this resistance was mostly coming from Boyle and his administration, as well as the large number of Boyle supporters in UMWA District 19. District 19 had the highest concentration of Boyle supporters in the country. While Yablonski received 36% of the vote for the election in total, he only received 2% in the district. <ref name=":1" /> The four individuals first convicted in the murder of Yablonski were from the district, and were paid by Boyle from union funds to carry out the assassination.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Gaventa |first=John |title=Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley |publisher=University of Illinois Press |year=1982 |pages=182}}</ref> In the election of 1972, only 19% of the district voted for Miller, compared to 55% nationwide.<ref name=":1" />
=== References ===▼
== The End of MFD ==
After MFD assumed control of the union, many leaders from the organization took administrative positions in the union.<ref name=":3" /> Miller and his colleagues were concerned that the organization may pose a threat to union stability if allowed to continue, and they came to the decision to dismantle MFD.<ref name=":3" />
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