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The Ethnographic Atlas gives the following data regarding land distribution: [[primogeniture]] predominates in 247 societies, while [[ultimogeniture]] prevails in 16. In 19 societies land is exclusively or predominantly given to the one adjudged best qualified, while equality predominates in 301 societies.<ref>http://es.scribd.com/doc/9285782/Ethnographic-Atlas-Codebook</ref> Regarding land inheritance rules, in 340 societies sons inherit, in 90 other patrilineal heirs (such as brothers), in 31 sister's sons, in 60 other matrilineal heirs (such as daughters or brothers), and in 98 all children. In 43 societies land is given to all children, but daughters receive less. It is also noteworthy that in 472 societies, the distribution of inherited land follows no clear rules or information is missing, while in 436 societies inheritance rules for real property do not exist or data is missing; this is partly because there are many societies where there is little or no land to inherit (such as in [[hunter-gatherer]] societies, pastoral societies or forager societies).
Patrilineal primogeniture, also called [[male primogeniture]] (eldest son inherits), was customary among [[Japanese people|Japanese]], [[Ryukyuan people|Ryukyuan]], [[Koreans|Korean]], [[Vietnamese people|Vietnamese]], [[Xibe people|Xibe]], [[Ancient Semitic]], [[Ancient Egyptian]], [[Ancient Mexican]], [[Embera-Wounaan|Choco]], [[Hazara people|Hazara]], [[Zenaga people|Zenaga]], [[Lakher]] (or [[Mara people|Mara]]), [[Kukis]], [[Mog people|Mog]], [[Paite people|Paite]], [[Lai people|Pawi]], [[Gangte]], [[Tripuri people|Tripuri]], [[Simte people|Simte]], [[Wancho people|Wancho]], [[Deccan]]ese, [[Mikir]] or [[Karbi people|Karbi]], [[Khumi people|Khumi]], [[Munda people|Munda]], [[Rajput]], Western [[Punjabi people|Punjabi]], [[Korku people|Korku]], [[Kharwar]]s, [[Nambudiri Brahmin]], [[Tibetan people|Tibetan]], [[Khonds|Khond]], [[Akha people|Akha]], [[Tai Dam people|Tai Dam]], [[Bamar people|Bamar]], [[Khmu people|Khmu]], [[Phunoi]], [[Aimol]], [[Muong people|Muong]], [[Poles|Polish]], [[Scottish people|Scottish]], [[Manx people|Manx]], [[Swedish people|Swedish]], [[Norwegians|Norwegian]], [[Icelanders|Icelandic]], [[Finns|Finn]], [[Slovenes|Slovene]], [[Austrians|Austrian]], [[Catalan people|Catalan]], [[Occitan]], [[Cornish people|Cornish]], [[Kashubian people|Kashubian]], [[Estonian people|Estonian]], [[Balt]], [[Croats|Croatian]], [[Danish people|Danish]], [[Flores]], [[Timor]]ese, [[Sumba]], [[Bali]] Highlands, [[Siane]], [[Manam]], [[Rukai people|Rukai]], [[Lampung]], [[Tausūg people|Tausug]], [[Māori people|Maori]], [[Mangarevan]], [[Mangaian]], [[Tongans|Tongan]], [[Niue]], [[Batak people|Batak]], [[Nias]], [[West Papua (region)|West Papuan]], [[Buru]], [[Kai islands]], [[Torajan]], [[Mauritian]], [[Innu people|Montagnais]], [[Pikangikum]], [[Klallam]], [[Kutchin]], [[Atsugewi]], [[Ojibwa people|Ojibwa]], [[Bilen people|Bilen]] (also called [[Bilen people|Bogos]]), [[Fon people|Fon]], [[Mandinka people|Mandinka]], [[Isoko people|Isoko]], [[Ewe people|Ewe]], [[Gagu people|Gagu]], [[Igbo people|Igbo]] (also called Ibo), [[Marghi language|Marghi]], [[Hausa people|Hausa]], [[Mumuye]], [[Ibibio people|Ibibio]], [[Guere language|Guere]], [[Antandroy]], [[Nyimang]], [[Tukulor]], [[Edo people|Edo]] (also called Bini), [[Shilluk people|Shilluk]], [[Dinka people|Dinka]], [[Nuer people|Nuer]], [[Kuku people|Kuku]], [[Moru people|Moru]], [[Didinga people|Didinga]], [[Kikuyu people|Kikuyu]], [[Nandi people|Nandi]], [[Luo people of Kenya and Tanzania|Luo]], [[Mekan people|Mekan]], [[Pokomo people|Pokomo]], [[Giriama]], Hill [[Pokot people|Pokot]], [[Dorobo]], [[Luhya people|Luhya]], [[Mossi people|Mossi]], [[Gbaya people|Gbaya]], [[Bamileke]], [[Masa people|Masa]], [[Kpwe people|Kpe]] -also called [[Kwe]] or [[Bakweri]]-, [[Xhosa people|Xhosa]], [[Pondo]], [[Zulu people|Zulu]], [[Sotho people|Sotho]], [[Swazi people|Swazi]], [[Tswana people|Tswana]], [[Northern Ndebele people|Ndebele]], [[Sukuma people|Sukuma]], [[Haya people|Haya]], [[Ha people|Ha]], [[Mbugwe people|Mbugwe]], [[Chagga]], [[Lingala|Ngala]], [[Ngbandi people|Ngbandi]], [[Banda people|Banda]], [[Boa people|Babwa]], [[Songye people|Songye]], [[Nkutu]], [[Hunde people|Hunde]], [[Lendu language|Lendu]], [[Demographics of Burundi|Rundi]], [[Teso people|Teso]], [[Acholi]], [[Lango of Uganda|Langi]], [[Nyoro people|Nyoro]], [[Banyankole]], [[Bagisu]], [[Amba people|Amba]], [[Alur people|Alur]], [[Shona people|Shona]], [[Tumbuka people|Tumbuka]], [[Krobos]], [[Krahn people|Krahn]], [[Kpelle people|Kpelle]], [[Oromo people|Oromo]], [[Shanqella]], [[Sidama people|Sidama]], [[Kambaata people|Kambaata]], [[Konso people|Konso]], [[Gibe region|Gibe]], [[Kingdom of Kaffa|Kaffa]], [[Gurage people|Gurage]], [[Hadiya people|Hadiya]], [[Gamo people|Gamo]], [[Male people|Male]], and [[Basketo people|Basketo]] peasants, for example, while patrilineal ultimogeniture, also called [[male ultimogeniture]] (youngest son inherits), was customary among [[Fur people|Fur]], [[Fali people|Fali]], [[Sami people|Sami]] (also called [[Sami people|Lapp]]), [[Moldovan people|Moldovan]], [[Czech people|Czech]], [[Ukrainian people|Ukrainian]], [[German people|German]], [[Swiss people|Swiss]], [[Bashkir people|Bashkir]], [[Chuvash people|Chuvash]], [[Gagauz people|Gagauz]], [[Vepsians|Vep]], [[Tatar people|Tatar]], [[Achang people|Achang]], [[Ayi people|Ayi]], [[Atayal people|Atayal]], [[Kachin people|Kachin]], [[Biate people|Biate]], [[Chinantec]], [[Hmar]], [[Mro people|Mro]], [[Kom people (India)|Kom]], [[Purum people|Purum]], and [[Lushei tribe|Lushei or Lushai]] (sometimes mistakenly taken for the whole [[Mizo people|Mizo]] people, especially in the past) peasants, for example. Among English peasants there was no clearly prevalent inheritance pattern, while Spanish [[Basque people|Basques]] gave their land to the one considered best qualified, though they had a preference for sons, and [[Javanese people|Javanese]], [[Turkish people|Turk]] (from Turkey, not [[Turkic peoples]] from central Asia, whom obviously didn't cultivate any land), [[Kurd]], [[Armenians|Armenian]], [[Lolo people|Lolo]] or [[Yi people|Yi]], [[Santal]], Abkhaz, [[Lepcha people|Lepcha]], [[Kotas|Kota]], [[Nu people|Nu]], [[Tanala]], [[Georgian people|Georgian]], [[Qiang people|Qiang]], [[Bhutia]], [[Gaddi]], [[People of Nepal|Nepalese]], [[Vedda people|Vedda]], [[Bai people|Bai]], [[Cossack]], [[Kola people|Koya]], [[Nimboran]], [[Afar people|Afar]], [[Tigrinya people|Tigrinya]], [[Dong people|Dong]], [[Dai people|Dai]], [[Kanembu people|Kanembu]], [[Bali]] lowlands, [[Mekeo]], [[Monguor]], [[Kabyle people|Kabyle]], [[Naga people|Naga]], [[Khevsur]], [[Bodo people|Bodo]], [[Mishing people|Mishing]], Rwandan, [[Nakh]], [[Yami]], central Italian, [[Hutsul]], [[Votes]], [[Besermian]], [[Mordvins]], [[Ingrian Finns|Ingrian]], [[Tupi people|Tupi]], [[Anaguta]], [[Popoi]], [[Bisharin]], [[Guarani people|Guarani]], [[Mon people|Mon]], [[Soninke people|Soninke]], [[Fulbe]], [[Oraon]], [[Telugu people|Telugu]], [[Druze]], [[Tlaxcalan]], [[Cagaba]], [[Mam people|Mam]], [[Enga people|Enga]], Purari, [[Punjabi people|Eastern Punjabi]], [[Kashmiri people|Kashmiri]], [[Karelian people|Karelian]], [[Yana people|Yana]], [[Burusho people|Burusho]], [[Attawapiskat]], [[Nyaturu people|Turu]], [[Vugusu]], [[Podokwo]], [[Gude]], [[Maasai people|Maasai]], [[Pahari people|Pahari]], [[Sindhis|Sindhi]], [[Li people|Li]], [[Oriya people|Oriya]], [[Nuri]], [[Kodava people|Kodava]], [[Lese language|Lese]], [[Herzegovina]], [[Gusii people|Gusii]], [[Shambaa]], [[Chibcha]], [[Purépecha people|Tarascan]], [[Chenchu]], [[Dard people|Dard]], [[Kwoma]], [[Sunuwar]], [[Kimam]], [[Hakka people|Hakka]], [[Meithei people|Meithei]], [[Iraqw people|Iraqw]], [[Hani people|Hani]], [[Havasupai people|Havasupai]], [[Miao people|Miao]], [[Tohono O'odham|Papago]], [[Riffian people|Riffian]], [[Belarusians|Belarusian]], [[Arapesh]], [[Wogeo]], [[Wantoat]], [[Sonjo people|Sonjo]], [[Bassari people|Bassari]], [[Kanuri people|Kanuri]], [[Meithei]], [[Katab]], [[Matakam]], [[Tsilhqot'in|Chilcotin]], [[Khoja]], [[Kaibab people|Kaibab]], [[Madan (people)|Madan]], [[Minchia]], [[Topotha]], [[Darasa]], [[Jukun people (West Africa)|Jukun]], [[Kadara]], [[Kagoro]], [[Bwaka]], [[Madi people|Madi]], [[Tira people|Tira]], [[Bainuk people|Banyun]], [[Bena people|Bena]], [[Ameru]], [[Wameru]], [[Baiga tribe|Baiga]], [[Bhuiya]], Poto, [[Busoga|Soga]], [[Pashtun]], [[Jat people|Jat]], [[Mapuche people|Mapuche]], [[Aymara people|Aymara]], [[Tamil people|Tamil]], [[Quiche people|Quiche]], [[Popoluca]], [[Kimam]], [[Amhara people|Amhara]], [[Azerbaijani people|Azerbaijani]], [[Sherpa people|Sherpa]], [[Ho people|Ho]], [[Kwoma]], [[Naxi people|Naxi]], [[Omaha]], [[Pumi people|Pumi]], [[Romanian people|Romanian]], [[Hungarian people|Hungarian]], Russian, [[Somali people|Somali]], [[Bulgarian people|Bulgarian]], [[Yao people|Yao]], [[Slovak people|Slovak]], [[Serbians|Serbian]], [[Bosnians|Bosnian]], [[Montenegrin people|Montenegrin]], [[Badagas|Badaga]], [[Han Chinese]], [[Gheg Albanian]], southern [[Albanians|Albanian]], [[Gondi people|Gondi]], [[Otoro Nuba]], [[Banen people|Banen]], [[Nubian people|Nubian]] and [[Mwaghavul]] peasants, for example, gave more or less equal shares of land to sons, but excluded daughters. [[Ancient Rome|Roman]], [[Malay people|Malay]], [[Bugi people|Bugi]], [[Makassarese]], [[Andalusian people|Andalusian]], [[Castilian people|Castilian]], southern [[Italians|Italian]], [[Portuguese people|Portuguese]], northern French, [[Iban people|Iban]], [[Yoruba people|Yoruba]], [[Maonan people|Maonan]], [[Tewa people|Tewa]], [[Acoma people|Acoma]], [[Tarahumara people|Tarahumara]], [[Luguru people|Luguru]], [[Mixe people|Mixe]], [[Zapotec peoples|Zapotec]], [[Ch'orti' people|Chorti]], [[Yaruro people|Yaruro]], [[Santa Ana people|Santa Ana]], [[Isleta people|Isleta]], [[Lobi people|Lobi]], [[Sinhala people|Sinhalese]], [[Greeks|Greek]], [[Shan people|Shan]], [[Khmer people|Khmer]], [[Tristan da Cunha|Tristan]], [[Brazilian people|Brazilian]], [[Kalmuk]], [[Lamet people|Lamet]], [[Makong]], [[Merina people|Merina]], [[Haitian people|Haitian]], [[Dominican people (Dominican Republic)|Dominican]], [[Cubans|Cuban]], [[Shivwit]], [[Maricopa people|Maricopa]], [[Argentinian people|Argentinian]], [[Chilean people|Chilean]], [[Uruguayan people|Uruguayan]], [[Paraguayan people|Paraguayan]], [[Colombian people|Colombian]], [[Afrikaner people|Afrikaner]], [[Venezuelan people|Venezuela]], Guayana, [[Surinam]], [[Jamaican peoples|Jamaica]], [[Apache]], [[Hiligaynon people|Hiligaynon]], [[Ilocano people|Ilocano]], [[Bisaya people|Bisaya]], [[Cebuano people|Cebuano]], [[Tagalog people|Tagalog]], [[Bikol people|Bikol]], [[Waray people|Waray]], [[Zuni people|Zuni]], [[Cochiti people|Cochiti]], [[Yurok people|Yurok]], San Juan, [[Madurese people|Madurese]] and Siamese (or [[Thai people|Thai]]) peasants gave relatively equal shares to both sons and daughters, while [[Songhai people|Songhay]], [[Hadimu]], [[Dyula people|Diula]], [[Wolof people|Wolof]], [[Kanuri people|Kanuri]], [[Zazzagawa]], [[Regeibat]], [[Teda people|Teda]], [[Siwan people|Siwan]], [[Delim]], [[Barabra]], [[Shluh]], [[Cherkess]], [[Mutair]], [[Pathan people|Pathan]], [[Kohistani people|Kohistani]], [[Onotoa]], and [[Gilbertese]] peasants gave less land to daughters, and the same system prevails in contemporary Egypt (and most [[Arab]] groups -see [[Sharia]]-. Most non-[[Arab]] Muslims, with some exceptions -[[peoples of the Caucasus|Caucasians]], [[Iranian peoples|Iranians]]-, historically followed their own inheritance customs, not those of the [[Sharia]]. In [[Ancient Egypt]], the eldest son inherited twice more than the other sons according to the Hermopolis Codex,<ref>{{cite book|title=Studies in biblical law [electronic resource]: from the Hebrew Bible to the ...|first=Gershon|last=Brin|url=http://books.google.es/books?id=z_iMdqTr-iMC&pg=PA246&lpg=PA246&dq=%22According+to+the+Hermopolis+Codex%22&source=bl&ots=qt6kPkFzgP&sig=G677165GndsaAJg2spix2p58-1k&hl=es&sa=X&ei=teXKUaKEIqaR7AbIz4DgBw&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22According%20to%20the%20Hermopolis%20Codex%22&f=false}}</ref> and in earlier times he was the sole heir<ref>Title: Inheritance Author: Lippert, Sandra, Universität Tübingen Publication Date: 2013 http://escholarship.org/uc/item/30h78901#page-2</ref>). Among the [[Lao people|Lao]], the [[Aceh]], the [[Guanches|Guanche]], and the [[Minangkabau people|Minangkabau]], for example, all daughters inherited equal shares of land, while the [[Cham people|Cham]], the [[Pnar people|Jaintia]], the [[Garo people|Garo]] and the [[Khasi people|Khasi]], for example, practiced [[female ultimogeniture]]. Primogeniture regardless of the sex of the child (eldest child inherits regardless of his or her sex) was customary among the [[Paiwan people|Paiwan]], the [[Ifugao]], the [[Chugach people|Chugach]] and the French Basques, while ultimogeniture regardless of the sex of the child (youngest child inherits regardless of his or her sex) was customary among the [[Chuvash people|Chuvash]] and the [[Mari people|Mari]]. There have been other, rarer customs of inheritance, like bilateral primogeniture (eldest son inherits from the father, eldest daughter inherits from the mother), such as among the Classic [[Mayas]], who transmitted the family's household furnishings from mother to eldest daughter, and the family's land, houses and agricultural tools from father to eldest son,<ref>{{cite web|title=Some Postclassic Questions About The Classic Maya Munro|publisher=S. Edmonson Tulane University|url=http://www.mesoweb.com/pari/publications/rt04/edmonson.pdf}}</ref> and in the Greek island of [[Karpathos]], where the family's house was transmitted from mother to eldest daughter, while the family's land was transmitted from father to eldest son<ref>Vernier, 1984.</ref> Among the [[Igorot]], the father's land is inherited by his eldest son and the mother's land is inherited by her eldest daughter.<ref>POPULATION GROWTH AND CUSTOMARY LAW ON LAND: the case of Cordillera villages in the Philippines by Lorelei Crisologo-Mendoza (KULeuven, Belgium and UPCollegeBaguio, Philippines) and Dirk Van de Gaer (National University of Ireland, Maynooth) November 1997* http://www.vanuatu.usp.ac.fj/sol_adobe_documents/usp%20only/customary%20law/mendoza.pdf</ref> Land inheritance customs, thus, greatly vary across cultures. However, inheritance customs are sometimes considered a culturally distinctive aspect of a society; for example, the customs of [[primogeniture]] predominant among many northeastern Indian tribes have been considered as possible proof of the possible remote [[Jewish]] or [[Semitic]] origin of some of them<ref name="primogeniture">PRIMOGENITURE IN THE OLD TESTAMENT Towards a Theological-Ethical Understanding of Patriarchy in Ancient Israel Laiu Fachhai http://scholar.sun.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10019.1/17750/Fachhai_primogeniture_2007.pdf?sequence=1</ref> Although it is many times said that [[Mizos]] employ ultimogeniture, where the youngest son inherits all, this is because the customs of [[Lushais]] or [[Lusheis]] are confused with those of all [[Mizos]]; indeed, [[Mizo people|Mizo]] and [[Lushai]] have been sometimes used as interchangeable terms. Among most non-Lushai [[Mizos]], [[primogeniture]] predominates,<ref>{{cite book|title=Social, Cultural, Economic & Religious Life of a Transformed Community: A ...|author=T. Liankhohau|url=http://books.google.es/books?id=RMEXr_jrT9cC&pg=PA22&lpg=PA22&dq=%22Paite%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=NVKyx7wieS&sig=C-x75buwt2pztOdIedx33uuOom8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=cExnUYymB4q2hQe9zYDoDQ&ved=0CDwQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Paite%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false}}</ref> just as among [[Kukis]]<ref>http://dspace.nitrkl.ac.in/dspace/bitstream/2080/1772/1/</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Customary Laws of the Kukis|url=http://kukiforum.com/2010/06/customary-laws-of-the-kukis-2/}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Structure of Chin-Kuki-Mizo’s Social Institutions|date=January 8, 2006|first=Sominthang|last=Doungel|url=http://kukiforum.com/2006/01/structure-of-chin-kuki-mizos-social-institutions/}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=The Institution of Chieftainship in Kuki Society|date=April 5, 2009|first=George T.|last=Haokip|url=http://kukiforum.com/2009/04/the-institution-of-chieftainship-in-kuki-society/}}</ref> In general there is great confusion about the ethnic identity of the many northeastern [[Native Americans in the United States|Indian]] tribes.<ref>{{cite web|title=The Chin-Kuki-Ethnic Dilemma: Search for an Appropriate Identity|date=April 25, 2007|first=Chawnglienthang|last=Changsan|url=http://kukiforum.com/2007/04/the-chin-kuki-ethnic-dilemma-search-for-an-appropriate-identity-2/}}</ref> Some regard the generic term [[Zomi]] as most appropriate.
=== Inheritance of movable property ===
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farmers in many parts of China prefer agricultural land not to be privately owned. In fact, they prefer it to be periodically reallocated between neighbouring families, giving land free of charge to households that have grown in membership and taking land from families that have shrunk. Why is there such a preference for land reallocations among China’s farmers? Let us examine the first of these sets of practices. Is the division of a farm family’s property at the time of each son’s marriage a “new born” custom? And traditionally, did rural parents most often live together with the youngest son after his marriage, not with the eldest son? When I asked interviewees in villages in a number of Chinese provinces about this, most insisted that in traditional times it had been the eldest son who, after his marriage, had normally stayed on with the parents until they passed away: that this had been in accord with Confucian teachings of giving precedence to the eldest son. And when I examined books that provide an overall view of pre-revolution family life, a similar generalization cropped up. Lloyd Eastman, for instance, in his book Family, Field and Ancestors wrote that “It was customary... for just the eldest son to continue to reside in the family home and look after the aging parents: younger sons had to move out soon after they took a wife” But if we look instead at studies of specific pre-revolution Chinese villages, it becomes evident that, in fact, village households most frequently followed the opposite course. The practices today are the same as the range of preferences that are found in the studies about pre-revolution villages and Taiwanese villages. My visits to villages in a number of provinces in China revealed that parents who live in stem families with one of their sons most frequently live with the younger son, or alternatively live entirely independently, or live or eat with each married son in turn. Other recent researchers in Chinese villages have found similar living arrangements (e.g., Wang 2004; Jing 2004; Zhang 2004). What is different today is that the division of the paternal household, including its land and other property, most often takes place at the point of marriage. In pre-revolution times, most rural households apparently did not split into separate families by dividing their assets at the first point of a son’s marriage. Rather, the household often held together as a single economic and social unit for some years after the eldest son’s wedding (see, e.g., Harrell 1982: 159–170; Cohen 1970, 1976). Households sometimes remained intact until the younger sons themselves married and the separate conjugal interests of the brothers and their wives began eroding the household’s unity. Why, then, today do the elder sons most frequently split off from their paternal family at the point of their wedding? Certainly, the shift arose within the collective period, as is evident from a number of studies of Chinese villages (e.g., Chan, Madsen and Unger 1992:194; Parish and Whyte 1978: 220; Selden 1993: 145). Before the revolution, when the family had productive assets including land, the drawbacks of cutting the family property into smaller portions had provided a disincentive to split up the household immediately. But under the collectives there was no longer land or a household economy to hold a family together. Instead, the main source of income was in work points, earned by each individual, and thus the economic deterrent to dividing the household had disappeared."<ref>FAMILY CUSTOMS AND FARMLAND REALLOCATIONS IN CONTEMPORARY CHINESE VILLAGES* Jonathan Unger http://ips.cap.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/IPS/PSC/CCC/publications/papers/JU_Family_Customs.pdf</ref>
However, some studies have found that coresiding with the eldest son and his family is prevalent even today.<ref>Sons and Daughters:Adult Children’s Care for Elderly Parents at the End of Life in Rural China Dongmei
According to [[Meyer Fortes]], "it is the firstborn who establishes the relationship of filiation once for all in respect of his parents' field of kinship and it is he (or she) who frequently carries the responsibility of representing te whole of his co-filiate sibling group in jural and ritual contexts. It is he who is likely to be principal heir and successor to his father in patrilineal, to a mother's brother in matrilineal, systems and it is upon him therefore that both the continuity and solidarity, and the cleavage and rivalry, between successive generations are apt to be focused".<ref>Kinship and the Social Order : the Legacy of Lewis Henry Morgan Escrito por Meyer Fortes http://books.google.es/books?id=iCjWC0nYA_4C&pg=PA253&lpg=PA253&dq=%22Fortes%22+%22firstborn%22&source=bl&ots=lDS031Wu08&sig=ri8pW3hpZenSV1JPPN_1WWJmx-E&hl=es&sa=X&ei=pEGkUo2jK-Kt0QWnz4DgCA&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Fortes%22%20%22firstborn%22&f=false</ref> "The distinction is made explicit and the first born is thus set apart in almost every aspect of social organization, firstly as creator of parenthood, secondly as founder of the filial generation, thirdly as head of the sibling group thus constituted. In the ___domain of law and politics, he may be the designated heir, by primogeniture, as among Tallensi, Mossi, Tikopia, Hindu, Chinese, and other patrilineal peoples of antiquity as well as of today".<ref>Religion, Morality and the Person: Essays on Tallensi Religion Escrito por Meyer Fortes http://books.google.es/books?id=uJg4AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA231&lpg=PA231&dq=%22Fortes%22+%22domain%22+%22politics%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=352K51s6yV&sig=tTkdJVdjFg0lz2EwMy8ANWyxXM8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=B0akUvK7Oaqj0QWYtIH4CA&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Fortes%22%20%22domain%22%20%22politics%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false</ref> He wrote extensively about the firstborn in his article "The firstborn".<ref>THE FIRST BORN Meyer Fortes http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1469-7610.1974.tb01228.x/abstract</ref>
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