Wikipedia

Utente:FedeTomma/Sandbox

Versione del 7 lug 2011 alle 09:53 di Ary29 (discussione | contributi) (- cat en)

Campagna di colpa collettiva

 
le truppe alleate spesso costrinsero con le armi i civili tedeschi a visitare campi di concentramento e in alcuni casi ad esumare fosse comuni di vittime dei nazisti.

Le idee sulla colpa collettiva e la punizione collettiva nacquero verso la fine della guerra per mano della classe politica inglese e americana, quando cominciarono a essere diffusi orrendi video sui campi di concentramento nazisti per indurire l'opinione pubblica e renderla più conforme a quella dei politici.

A partire dal 1944 fu iniziata una campagna di propaganda negli USA che sosteneva una pace con condizioni molto dure per la Germania e che era volta anche a porre fine alla consuetidine di vedere il nazismo come un'entità separata rispetto al popolo tedesco. Delle dichiarazioni di alcuni governanti inglesi e americani, fatte più o meno nel periodo della resa della Germania indicavano l'intera nazione tedesca come colpevole moralmente per le azioni del regime nazista, usando spesso i termini "colpa" o "responsabilità collettiva".

To that end, as the Allies began their post-war denazification efforts, the Psychological Warfare Division (PWD) of SHAEF (Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force) undertook a psychological propaganda campaign for the purpose of developing a German sense of collective responsibility.[1] The Public Relations and Information Services Control Group of the British Element of the Allied Control Commission began in 1945 to issue directives to officers in charge of producing newspapers and radio broadcasts for the German population to emphasize "the moral responsibility of all Germans for Nazi crimes."[2] Similarly, among U.S. authorities, such a sense of collective guilt was "considered a prerequisite to any long-term education of the German people."[1]

Usando sia la stampa tedesca, che era sotto controllo alleato, sia manifesti ed opuscoli fu condotto un programma per mettere a conoscenza tutti i tedeschi di quello che era successo nei campi di concentramento; per esempio furono diffusi dei manifesti che rappresentavano delle vittime dei campi di sterminio, affiancate da testi come "TU SEI COLPEVOLE DI QUESTO!". [3][4] o "Queste atrocità sono colpa tua!!".[5] Furono anche girati e diffusi numerosi film che mostravano campi di concentramneto come "Die Todesmühlen", diffuso nella zona americana nel gennaio 1946, o "Welt im Film No. 5" del giugno 1945. Un altro film che però rimase incompiuto fu "Memory of the Camps". According to Sidney Bernstein, chief of PWD, the object of the film

...was to shake and humiliate the Germans and prove to them beyond any possible challenge that these German crimes against humanity were committed and that the German people – and not just the Nazis and SS – bore responsibility.[6]

English writer James Stern recounted an example in a German town soon after the German surrender.

"[a] crowd is gathered around a series of photographs which though initially seeming to depict garbage instead reveal dead human bodies. Each photograph has a heading 'WHO IS GUILTY?'. The spectators are silent, appearing hypnotised and eventually retreat one by one. The placards are later replaced with clearer photographs and placards proclaiming 'THIS TOWN IS GUILTY! YOU ARE GUILTY!'"[7]

Il 20 luglio 1945 - il primo anniversario del fallito attentato a Hitler - non fu fatta menzione dell'evento, perché ricordare al popolo tedesco che c'era stata un'attiva resistenza a Hitler in Germania avrebbe minato gli sforzi degli alleati di creare un senso si colpa collettivo nella popolazione tedesca.On July 20, 1945 — the first anniversary of the failed attempt to kill Hitler — no mention what-so ever was made of the event. This was because reminding the German population of the fact that there had been active German resistance to Hitler would undermine the Allied efforts to instill a sense of collective guilt in the German populace.[8] (see also German resistance)

Immediately upon the liberation of the concentration camps many German civilians were forced to see the conditions in the camps, bury rotting corpses and exhume mass-graves.[9] On threat of death or withdrawal of food, civilians were also forced to provide their belongings to former concentration camp inmates.[9]

The radical left in Germany during the 1960s–70s and Nazi allegations

Because the Cold War had curtailed the process of denazification in the West, certain radical leftist groups such as the Red Army Faction justified their use of violence against the West German government and society based on the argument that the West German establishment had benefited from the Nazi period, and that it was still largely Nazi in outlook. They pointed out that many former Nazis held government posts, while the German Communist Party was illegal. They argued that "What did you do in the war, daddy?" was not a question that many of the leaders of the generation who fought World War II and prospered in the postwar "Wirtschaftswunder" (German Economic Miracle) encouraged their children to ask.

One of the major justifications that the Red Army Faction gave in 1977 for killing Hanns-Martin Schleyer, President of the Confederation of German Employers' Associations (BDA) and perceived as one of the most powerful industrialists in West Germany, was that as a former member of the SS he was part of an informal network of ex-Nazis who still had great economic power and political influence in West Germany.

Today

The late admission of famous German writer Günter Grass, perceived by many as a protagonist of 'the nation's moral conscience', that he had been a member of the Waffen SS reminded the German public that, even more than sixty years after the Third Reich had ended, membership in Nazi organisations is still a taboo issue in public discourse. Statistically it is highly likely that there are many more Germans of Grass' generation (also called the "Flakhelfer-Generation") with biographies not unlike his, who have never found cause to reveal their wartime record in the context of total ideological blackout.[10]




Template:Infobox Book

La guerra di guerriglia (Template:Lang-es) è un libro del rivoluzionario e guerrigliero argentino Che Guevara, scritto subito dopo la rivoluzione cubana e pubblicato nel 1961. Divenne presto il libro guida per migliaia di guerriglieri di vari paesi.[11]

Guevara intended it to be a manual on guerrilla warfare, elaborating the foco theory (foquismo) for other revolutionary movements in Latin America, Africa and Asia, but the book was also studied by counter-revolutionary military schools.[12] While many draw parallels with Mao's On Guerrilla Warfare, Guevara claimed he had not read the book, which draws on the lessons of fighting during the Cuban Revolutionary War, which in turn were informed by two books from the Spanish Civil War, Nuevas guerras and Medicina contra invasión, stressing the need for an underpinning political motivation to guerrilla methods, organisation and supply.

However, Guevara emphasizes that guerrilla warfare is a favorable method only against totalitarian regimes, (such as the revolutionary war against the Batista dictatorship in Cuba), where political opposition and legal civil struggle is impossible to conduct.

Guevara dedicò il libro al suo compagno Camilo Cienfuegos deceduto poco prima della pubblicazione, "che avrebbe avuto il compito di leggerlo e correggerlo, se il destino non gli avesse impedito di farlo..."

Notes

  1. ^ a b Janowitz, 1946
  2. ^ Balfour, pg 263
  3. ^ Marcuse pg 61
  4. ^ [http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj77/maitles.htm Book Review of Hitler's Willing Executioners
  5. ^ Eric Voegelin, Brenden Purcell "Hitler and the Germans", Footnote 12, p.5 "In the summer of 1945, the Allies publicly displayed horrifying posters and reports from the Dachau and Belsen concentratrion camps with the accusatory headline 'Diese Schandtaten: Eure Schuld!' ("These atrocities: Your guilt!). See Christoph Klessmann, Die doppelte Staatsgrundung:Deutsche Geschichte, 1945-1955, p. 308
  6. ^ PBS Story
  7. ^ Therese O'Donnell "Executioners, bystanders and victims: collective guilt, the legacy of denazification and the birth of twentieth-century transitional justice", Legal Studies Volume 25 Issue 4, Pages 627 - 667 URL
  8. ^ Michael R. Beschloss, The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941–1945 ISBN 0-7432-4454-0 p.258 "At a moment when they were trying to establish a sense of collective guilt for Hitler's horrors, they did not wish to confuse the issue by reminding the world that some Germans had risked their lives, however belatedly and for whatever reasons, to stop the Fuhrer."
  9. ^ a b Marcuse, pg 128
  10. ^ Karen Margolis: Who wasn't a Nazi?
  11. ^ Ernesto "Che" Guevara (World Leaders Past & Present), by Douglas Kellner, 1989, Chelsea House Publishers, ISBN 1555468357, pg 81
  12. ^ Szulc (1986), p.380

References

Szulc, Tad. 1986. Fidel - A Critical Portrait. Hutchinson. ISBN 0091726026

Estratto da "https://it.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Utente:FedeTomma/Sandbox&oldid=41826731"