Historical inheritance systems

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Historical inheritance systems are different systems of inheritance among various people.

Detailed anthropological and sociological studies have been made about customs of patrilineal inheritance, where only male children can inherit. Some cultures also employ matrilineal succession, where property can only pass along the female line, most commonly going to the sister's sons of the decedent; but also, in some societies, from the mother to her daughters. Some ancient societies and most modern states employ egalitarian inheritance, without discrimination based on gender and/or birth order.

Cross cultural research about systems of inheritance

Land inheritance

The Ethnographic Atlas gives the following data regarding land distribution: primogeniture predominates in 247 societies, while ultimogeniture prevails in 16. In 19 societies land is exclusively or predominantly given to the one adjudged best qualified, while equality predominates in 301 societies.[1] Regarding land inheritance rules, in 340 societies sons inherit, in 90 other patrilineal heirs (such as brothers), in 31 sister's sons, in 60 other matrilineal heirs (such as daughters or brothers), and in 98 all children. In 43 societies land is given to all children, but daughters receive less. It is also noteworthy that in 472 societies, the distribution of inherited land follows no clear rules or information is missing, while in 436 societies inheritance rules for real property do not exist or data is missing; this is partly because there are many societies where there is little or no land to inherit (such as in hunter-gatherer societies, pastoral societies or forager societies).

Patrilineal primogeniture, also called male primogeniture (eldest son inherits), was customary among Japanese, Ryukyuan, Korean, Vietnamese, Xibe, Ancient Semitic, Ancient Egyptian, Ancient Mexican, Choco, Hazara, Zenaga, Lakher (or Mara), Kukis, Mog, Paite, Pawi, Gangte, Tripuri, Simte, Wancho, Deccanese, Mikir or Karbi, Khumi, Munda, Rajput, Western Punjabi, Korku, Kharwars, Nambudiri Brahmin, Tibetan, Khond, Akha, Tai Dam, Bamar, Khmu, Phunoi, Aimol, Muong, Polish, Scottish, Manx, Swedish, Norwegian, Icelandic, Finn, Slovene, Austrian, Catalan, Occitan, Cornish, Kashubian, Estonian, Balt, Croatian, Danish, Flores, Timorese, Sumba, Bali Highlands, Siane, Manam, Rukai, Lampung, Tausug, Maori, Mangarevan, Mangaian, Tongan, Niue, Batak, Nias, West Papuan, Buru, Kai islands, Torajan, Mauritian, Montagnais, Pikangikum, Klallam, Kutchin, Atsugewi, Ojibwa, Bilen (also called Bogos), Fon, Mandinka, Isoko, Ewe, Gagu, Igbo (also called Ibo), Marghi, Hausa, Mumuye, Ibibio, Guere, Antandroy, Nyimang, Tukulor, Edo (also called Bini), Shilluk, Dinka, Nuer, Kuku, Moru, Didinga, Kikuyu, Nandi, Luo, Mekan, Pokomo, Giriama, Hill Pokot, Dorobo, Luhya, Mossi, Gbaya, Bamileke, Masa, Kpe -also called Kwe or Bakweri-, Xhosa, Pondo, Zulu, Sotho, Swazi, Tswana, Ndebele, Sukuma, Haya, Ha, Mbugwe, Chagga, Ngala, Ngbandi, Banda, Babwa, Songye, Nkutu, Hunde, Lendu, Rundi, Teso, Acholi, Langi, Nyoro, Banyankole, Bagisu, Amba, Alur, Shona, Tumbuka, Krobos, Krahn, Kpelle, Oromo, Shanqella, Sidama, Kambaata, Konso, Gibe, Kaffa, Gurage, Hadiya, Gamo, Male, and Basketo peasants, for example, while patrilineal ultimogeniture, also called male ultimogeniture (youngest son inherits), was customary among Fur, Fali, Sami (also called Lapp), Moldovan, Czech, Ukrainian, German, Swiss, Bashkir, Chuvash, Gagauz, Vep, Tatar, Achang, Ayi, Atayal, Kachin, Biate, Chinantec, Hmar, Mro, Kom, Purum, and Lushei or Lushai (sometimes mistakenly taken for the whole Mizo people, especially in the past) peasants, for example. Among English peasants there was no clearly prevalent inheritance pattern, while Spanish Basques gave their land to the one considered best qualified, though they had a preference for sons, and Javanese, Turk (from Turkey, not Turkic peoples from central Asia, whom obviously didn't cultivate any land), Kurd, Armenian, Lolo or Yi, Santal, Abkhaz, Lepcha, Kota, Nu, Tanala, Georgian, Qiang, Bhutia, Gaddi, Nepalese, Vedda, Bai, Cossack, Koya, Nimboran, Afar, Tigrinya, Dong, Dai, Kanembu, Bali lowlands, Mekeo, Monguor, Kabyle, Naga, Khevsur, Bodo, Mishing, Rwandan, Nakh, Yami, central Italian, Hutsul, Votes, Besermian, Mordvins, Ingrian, Tupi, Anaguta, Popoi, Bisharin, Guarani, Mon, Soninke, Fulbe, Oraon, Telugu, Druze, Tlaxcalan, Cagaba, Mam, Enga, Purari, Eastern Punjabi, Kashmiri, Karelian, Yana, Burusho, Attawapiskat, Turu, Vugusu, Podokwo, Gude, Maasai, Pahari, Sindhi, Li, Oriya, Nuri, Kodava, Lese, Herzegovina, Gusii, Shambaa, Chibcha, Tarascan, Chenchu, Dard, Kwoma, Sunuwar, Kimam, Hakka, Meithei, Iraqw, Hani, Havasupai, Miao, Papago, Riffian, Belarusian, Arapesh, Wogeo, Wantoat, Sonjo, Bassari, Kanuri, Meithei, Katab, Matakam, Chilcotin, Khoja, Kaibab, Madan, Minchia, Topotha, Darasa, Jukun, Kadara, Kagoro, Bwaka, Madi, Tira, Banyun, Bena, Ameru, Wameru, Baiga, Bhuiya, Poto, Soga, Pashtun, Jat, Mapuche, Aymara, Tamil, Quiche, Popoluca, Kimam, Amhara, Azerbaijani, Sherpa, Ho, Kwoma, Naxi, Omaha, Pumi, Romanian, Hungarian, Russian, Somali, Bulgarian, Yao, Slovak, Serbian, Bosnian, Montenegrin, Badaga, Han Chinese, Gheg Albanian, southern Albanian, Gondi, Otoro Nuba, Banen, Nubian and Mwaghavul peasants, for example, gave more or less equal shares of land to sons, but excluded daughters. Roman, Malay, Bugi, Makassarese, Andalusian, Castilian, southern Italian, Portuguese, northern French, Iban, Yoruba, Maonan, Tewa, Acoma, Tarahumara, Luguru, Mixe, Zapotec, Chorti, Yaruro, Santa Ana, Isleta, Lobi, Sinhalese, Greek, Shan, Khmer, Tristan, Brazilian, Kalmuk, Lamet, Makong, Merina, Haitian, Dominican, Cuban, Shivwit, Maricopa, Argentinian, Chilean, Uruguayan, Paraguayan, Colombian, Afrikaner, Venezuela, Guayana, Surinam, Jamaica, Apache, Hiligaynon, Ilocano, Bisaya, Cebuano, Tagalog, Bikol, Waray, Zuni, Cochiti, Yurok, San Juan, Madurese and Siamese (or Thai) peasants gave relatively equal shares to both sons and daughters, while Songhay, Hadimu, Diula, Wolof, Kanuri, Zazzagawa, Regeibat, Teda, Siwan, Delim, Barabra, Shluh, Cherkess, Mutair, Pathan, Kohistani, Onotoa, and Gilbertese peasants gave less land to daughters, and the same system prevails in contemporary Egypt (and most Arab groups -see Sharia-. Most non-Arab Muslims, with some exceptions -Caucasians, Iranians-, historically followed their own inheritance customs, not those of the Sharia. In Ancient Egypt, the eldest son inherited twice more than the other sons according to the Hermopolis Codex,[2] and in earlier times he was the sole heir[3]). Among the Lao, the Aceh, the Guanche, and the Minangkabau, for example, all daughters inherited equal shares of land, while the Cham, the Jaintia, the Garo and the Khasi, for example, practiced female ultimogeniture. Primogeniture regardless of the sex of the child (eldest child inherits regardless of his or her sex) was customary among the Paiwan, the Ifugao, the Chugach and the French Basques, while ultimogeniture regardless of the sex of the child (youngest child inherits regardless of his or her sex) was customary among the Chuvash and the Mari. There have been other, rarer customs of inheritance, like bilateral primogeniture (eldest son inherits from the father, eldest daughter inherits from the mother), such as among the Classic Mayas, who transmitted the family's household furnishings from mother to eldest daughter, and the family's land, houses and agricultural tools from father to eldest son,[4] and in the Greek island of Karpathos, where the family's house was transmitted from mother to eldest daughter, while the family's land was transmitted from father to eldest son[5] Among the Igorot, the father's land is inherited by his eldest son and the mother's land is inherited by her eldest daughter.[6] Land inheritance customs, thus, greatly vary across cultures. However, inheritance customs are sometimes considered a culturally distinctive aspect of a society; for example, the customs of primogeniture predominant among many northeastern Indian tribes have been considered as possible proof of the possible remote Jewish or Semitic origin of some of them[7] Although it is many times said that Mizos employ ultimogeniture, where the youngest son inherits all, this is because the customs of Lushais or Lusheis are confused with those of all Mizos; indeed, Mizo and Lushai have been sometimes used as interchangeable terms. Among most non-Lushai Mizos, primogeniture predominates,[8] just as among Kukis[9][10][11][12] In general there is great confusion about the ethnic identity of the many northeastern Indian tribes.[13] Some regard the generic term Zomi as most appropriate.

Inheritance of movable property

The same disparity is seen regarding inheritance of movable property. Most nomadic peoples from Asia, like for example the Khalka Mongols, give a more or less equal share of the herd to each son as he marries, typically letting the youngest remain behind caring for the parents and inheriting his father's tent after their death in addition to his own share of the herd[14] (there is no agriculture in steppe environments such as that of most of Inner Asia); but others, such as the Yukaghir and the Yakut, leave most of the herd to one son (in the above examples the youngest and the eldest, respectively). And some pastoral peoples from other geographical areas also practice unequal wealth transfers, although customs of equal male inheritance are more common among them than among agriculturalists. Tswana people, for example, the dominant ethnic group of Botswana and parts of South Africa, whose main source of wealth was livestock, although they also practiced agriculture, practiced patrilineal primogeniture with regards to both livestock and land,[15][16][17][18] and so did all other southern Bantu peoples,[19] like for example the Tsonga,[20] or the Venda[21] (among the Venda, though, while the livestock was inherited by the eldest son, land was not inherited within families, but given to each son by village authorities as he married. Among the Tsonga, most of the land was used only for stockbreeding). Patrilineal primogeniture also prevailed among the neighbouring Khoi peoples[22] (of whom only the Nama -among whom patrilineal primogeniture also prevailed-[23] remain). The Ngoni, the Gogo, the Mangbetu, the Rendille, the Sapo, the Boran, the Gabra, the Plains Pokot, the Hema, the Beti-Pahuin, the Buduma, the Dogon, the Duala, the Djafun, the Kassena and many other African peoples also practiced patrilineal primogeniture with regards to livestock (by contrast, the Fulbe or Fulani, the largest pastoral people in Africa, divided their livestock equally between all sons according to the Ethnographic Atlas, although according to some other sources they practiced male primogeniture[24]). On the other hand, Chukchi, Koryak and Ket peoples practiced male ultimogeniture. And it has been usually stated that the rest of Siberian peoples, such as Voguls, Samoyeds or Khantys, practiced patrilineal primogeniture, though there isn't much reliable information about the traditional customs of Siberian peoples. It is said that Gilyaks divided their cattle equally between all sons. Patrilineal primogeniture was also traditionally prevalent among pastoral peoples from Australia, like the Aranda, as well as among Himalayan pastoralists like the Changpa.[25] Patrilineal primogeniture was also the predominant form of inheritance of moveable property among the Kachin, the Caduveo, the Guahibo, the Modoc, the Kiliwa, the Angmagsalik, the Baffin, the Kwakiutl, the Camba and the Abelam. From these examples it can be seen that Patrilineal primogeniture was also traditionally prevalent among some pastoral peoples from Greenland and northern Canada. The neighbouring Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast were organized in societies where elder sons and their lines of descent had higher status than younger sons and their lines of descent (a "conical clan"), although a rule of patrilineal primogeniture couldn't develop among most of them, since they were mostly hunter-gatherers. A rule of patrilineal primogeniture did develop, however, among some Canadian indigenous peoples who practiced agriculture, like the Montagnais, the Kutchin, the Pikangikum, the Ojibwa, the Klallam and the Atsugewi. Canadian indigenous peoples were influenced by the ancient Thule culture, of which little is known with certainty.

Inheritance Rules for Movable Property are as follows: in 381 there isn't enough information, in 132 there are no individual property rights or rules, in 45 sister's sons inherit, in 73 other matrilineal heirs, in 67 all children, but daughters receive less, in 89 all children inherit equally, in 393 only sons inherit, and in 87 other patrilineal heirs.

Inheritance Distribution for Movable Property are as follows: in 382 there isn't enough information or there are no rules, in 435 equality prevails and in 18 movable property is exclusively or predominantly adjudged to the one best qualified, while in 14 societies ultimogeniture predominates and in 244 primogeniture predominates.

Other sources

Mary K. Shenk and others (2010)[26] show how intergenerational wealth transmission among agriculturalists tends to be rather unequal. Only slightly more than half of the societies they study practice equal division of real property; customs to preserve land relatively intact (most commonly primogeniture) are very common. Borgerhoff Mulder (2010)[27] shows how wealth transfers are more egalitarian among pastoralists, but unequal inheritance customs also prevail in some of these societies, and they are strongly patrilineal.

In studying 39 non-Western societies around the world, Rosenblatt and Skoogberg[28] found many customs that distinguished between children according to their sex and birth order. Especially important people, such as the royalty and the aristocracy, were excluded from their study. First sons, in comparison to other sons, "are likely to inherit or otherwise gain control of more family land, livestock, or other wealth." Specifically, first sons inherited more than the other sons among the Azande, the Japanese, the Kapauku Papuans, the Luo, the Mossi, the Tswana, the Katab, the Lepcha, the Mende, the Tikopia and the western Punjabi. Among the Todas, both first and last sons inherited more than the other sons, while last sons inherited more than the other sons among the Lolo and the Yukaghir. Last sons inherited less than any other sons among the Luo. Last sons received less respect from their siblings than any other sons among the Dagor Mongols, the Fijians, the Papago, the Siuai, the Tonga, the Tswana, the western Punjabi and the Yanomamo, but they were more spoiled or indulged by their parents than the other sons among the Arapesh, the Egyptian Fellahin, the Hausa, the Lepcha and the Tikopia. Considering all the customs they found (not only those mentioned here), the people with the greatest number of customs favourable to first sons in their study were the Tswana, followed closely by the Azande, while the people with the greatest number of customs favourable to last sons in their study were the Lolo. Apart from the easily predictable finding that being the first son was good among the Japanese, this study confirmed ethnographers' claims that customs favourable to first sons were common in South Asia, Austronesia and Sub-Saharan Africa, while customs favourable to last sons were common among the ethnic minorities of Southwest China.

Among the Dagor Mongols, only certain customs favourable to first sons were found, while customs favourable to last sons weren't found. The findings concerning the Dagor Mongols contradict those theories that maintain that peoples of the Asian steppe had strong customs favourable to first or last sons: the only custom that distinguished between sons among the Dagor Mongols was that first sons received more respect from his siblings than the other sons and last sons received less respect from their siblings than the other sons. In fact, the indigenous American peoples, such as the Zapotec, the Gros Ventre, the Klamath, the Papago or the Yanomamo, had significantly more customs favourable to first sons than the Dagor Mongols.

Among Arab peoples, such as the Egyptian Fellahin, first sons received more elaborate birth ceremonies, had more authority over siblings both during childhood and in adulthood, and had more power and influence over others, but they were also given more duties to perform, and last sons were more indulged or spoiled by their parents than the other sons. All sons inherited the same and had the same wealth.

The information about Alaska Native peoples such as the Eyak was also interesting: First sons had more authority over siblings, had more power and influence over others and were more likely to head a kin group than the other sons, but all sons inherited the same.

Considering all the 39 societies they studied, they found that, on average, "the birth of a first child of either sex is more likely than the birth of other children to increase parent status, stabilize parent marriage, and provide a parental teknonym. Firstborns are likely to receive more elaborate birth ceremonies and, in childhood, to have more authority over siblings and to receive more respect from siblings. In adulthood, firstborn daughters are likely to receive more respect from siblings than other daughters, and firstborn sons, in comparison to other sons, are likely to have more authority over siblings, more control of property, more power or influence over others, to be respected more by siblings, and to head a kin group".

However, as a counterpart of this general beneficial effect of being the first son and being the first daughter, they found that both first sons and first daughters were given more duties to perform among the Egyptian Fellahin, the Gros Ventre, the Klamath, the Lepcha, the Leyte, the Luo, the Marshallese and the Tikopia, and first daughters (but not first sons) were given more duties to perform among the Yanomamo and the Arapesh. This burden placed upon the first-born has been called "the first-born burden" and exists mainly in poorer households because poor families do not have the economic capacity to send their earlier-born children to school, but may send their later-born children to school thanks to the wages provided by their elder siblings with their work (earlier-born children being able to receive higher wages due to their greater age). This phenomenon has been ascertained in many industrialising Third World countries, especially Latin American ones, such as for example Brazil,[29] and also existed in Europe during the period of industrialization.[30][31] In Sub-Saharan Africa, later-born children tend to receive more education than earlier-born children in poorer families, while earlier-born children tend to receive more education than later-born children in richer families.[32] In India, the eldest son receives more education than the other children.[33] In Chinese-speaking countries like China and Taiwan, as well as in Vietnam, Japan and South Korea, eldest sons also receive more education than the other children.[34][35][36][37][38] Evidence regarding Arab countries is varied,[39][40] but in Egypt, earlier-born children receive more education than later-born ones.[41][42] In developed countries, such as those of North America and Oceania, earlier-born children are generally more educated than later-born ones.[43][44] In Europe, earlier-born children are also more educated, although, surprisingly, this effect is even stronger when care and education are shifted from parents to state-run institutions.[45] In Indonesia, gender and birth order effects on education have disappeared as the country has developed.[46] In pre-industrial societies these correlations between education and birth order do not exist, as shown by a study on education and family characteristics in Late Imperial China (1300–1850).[47]

Auke Rijpma and Sarah Carmichael (2013)[48] tested Murdock and Todd's global data on family characteristics. According to them, Todd is more reliable for European family data and Murdock is more reliable for Africa, as he was a great expert on this area. Regarding inheritance practices, after reviewing many studies about land inheritance they came to the conclusion that the pattern of land inheritance traditionally prevalent among English, Dutch and New Englander peasants was partible inheritance, rather than the lack of any definite inheritance pattern that Todd argued, while the pattern of land inheritance traditionally prevalent among Russian peasants was close to patrilineal primogeniture, "as oldest sons may well inherit more", rather than being one of equal inheritance of land by all sons as both Todd and Murdock argued.

An entry to the Ethnographic Atlas was recently added by Bondarenko, Kazankov, Khaltourina and Korotayev discussing the data about peoples of Easternmost Europe.[49] Patrilineal ultimogeniture prevailed among most Turkic peoples living in Europe, equal inheritance of property by all sons prevailed among most Uralic and Finno-Ugric peoples, and patrilineal primogeniture prevailed among Estonians and Balts. Slavic peoples (such as Russians) were not included in their study.

Jack Goody was an influential anthropologist during the twentieth century and published various works like Death, property and the ancestors (1962), Technology, Tradition, and the State in Africa (1971), The myth of the Bagre (1972) and The domestication of the savage mind (1977). In these works, he wrote about inheritance customs, among other things. However, his theories have been mostly rejected during the last decades.[citation needed] In one of his works, he distinguishes between a complete and a preferential form of primogeniture and ultimogeniture. In the complete form of both customs, the rest of the children are excluded from the inheritance. However, in the preferential form of primogeniture, the eldest son acts as custodian of the father's rights in behalf of his brothers, and in the preferential form of ultimogeniture, the youngest son inherits the residue of his father's property after elder sons have received their shares during the father's lifetime. He calls ultimogeniture "Borough English" and primogeniture "Borough French" because in England ultimogeniture was a native custom, while primogeniture was a custom brought by the Norman invaders.[50] According to him, in Late Medieval England, patrilineal primogeniture predominated in feudal tenures and among the peasantry of large parts of the Midlands, patrilineal ultimogeniture ('Borough English') prevailed elsewhere in the champion country, and partible inheritance (gavelkind) prevailed in Kent, East Anglia and the Celtic areas.

Both preferential primogeniture and preferential ultimogeniture were practiced in pre-revolutionary Russia, for example, where the eldest son succeeded as family head and inherited more than the other sons,[51] while "the youngest son, if he remained with the father, inherited the house and also at times other property" (minorat), according to the Great Soviet Encyclopedia.[52] However, the share of land and moveables of the other sons was only slightly smaller than that of the eldest and the youngest son. Only in the southern part of the country was the house inherited by the youngest son; in the north it was inherited by the eldest son.[53]

Emil de Laveleye describes the Russian family around 1900 as follows: "The patriarchal family is the basis of the commune; and the members of the mir are generally considered as descended from a common ancestor. Family ties have maintained a force among the Russians, as also among the Slavs of the Danube and the Balkan, which they have lost elsewhere. The family is a sort of perpetual corporation. It is governed by a chief called "the ancient," with almost absolute authority. All property is in common. There is usually neither succession nor partition. The house, the garden, the agricultural implements, the stock, the produce—moveables of every description—remain the collective property of all the members of the family. No one thinks of claiming a separate share. On the death of the father of a family, his authority and administration devolve on the eldest member of the house: in some districts, on the eldest son; in others, on the eldest brother of the deceased, provided he live under the same roof. In some parts, too, the members of the family themselves elect the new chief. If all the survivors are under age, a relation establishes himself with them and becomes a co-proprietor. The head of the family is called Khozain, which signifies "the administrator," or Bolshak, that is, the "great one."

When, on a death, a division of property takes place, which is less rare than in former times, it is not made according to the degrees of relationship, but each adult male living in the house takes an equal share. An orphan cannot succeed for his father by representation; and those who have left the paternal roof have no right of succession. The females remain in the charge of one branch or other of the family, and receive a portion on their marriage.

In the north, the house passes to the eldest son. In the south, the youngest inherits it, because, ordinarily, the eldest has set up a separate establishment during the lifetime of his father. It is not blood, or descent, which gives the title to succeed, but a much more effective title, co-operation in the labour which has produced the property whose division is in question. The adult uncle, nephew, and cousin, have laboured together; they shall take an equal portion. The young girl and the child have contributed nothing to production: their wants will be provided for, but they have no right to a share in the inheritance.

In the Russian family as in the Russian state, the idea of authority and power is confused with that of age and paternity. The word starosta signifies "the old;" the word starshina is in the comparative, "older." The emperor is the "father,"—the "little father." This is the real principle of the patriarchal system."[53]

Systems of inheritance among various peoples

History has brought into life a creative system of inheritance systems, fitting the best needs of the various people in their unique environment and challenges.

Inheritance customs as a cultural dimension

Inheritance customs do not follow clear ethnic, linguistic or geographical patterns. Equality between all sons and a subordinate position of women (with the exclusion of daughters from inheriting) are prominent aspects of Hungarian,[54][55][56][57][58][59] Albanian,[60] Romanian,[61] and most Slavic[62][63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71][72] or Latin American[73][74][75][76][77][78] cultures, for example, while many studies show the privileged position that the eldest son traditionally enjoyed in Slovene[79] Finnish[80][81][82][83] [84][85][86] or Tibetan[87][88][89][90][91][92][93][94][95][96][97][98][99][100] culture, for example. The Jaintia, the Garo and the Khasi, on the other hand, traditionally privileged the youngest daughter. Some peoples, like the Dinka,[101][102][103][104] the Arakanese,[105] the Chins of Myanmar,[106] or the Karen, frequently show a compromise between primogeniture and ultimogeniture in their inheritance patterns (although among many Chins of Myanmar, the advantage that the eldest and the youngest son have over other sons is really small, so it is not correct to speak of a true pattern of mixed primogeniture and ultimogeniture. The advantage of the eldest and the youngest son is somewhat more ample among the Dinka and the Arakanese), and this is also the pattern among the Kachin and the Dilling, as well as among the Sherpa to some degree. A combination of patrilineal primogeniture and ultimogeniture is also reported for many Fulbe villages in the Republic of Guinea[107] (though it seems that in past times the eldest son inherited all in Guinea).[108]

Sometimes inheritance customs do not entirely reflect social traditions. Romans valued sons more than daughters and Thais and Shan showed the reverse pattern, though all practiced equal land inheritance between all children.[109][110][111][112] In fact, Shan people, who live mostly in northern Thailand and northeastern Myanmar, are markedly matrilocal. In Han Chinese tradition, the eldest son was of special importance. The law punished more harshly offences by a younger brother against an elder brother than offences by an elder brother against a younger brother.[113] The eldest son received the family headship in cases where the family held together as a single unit, and the largest share in cases of family division, since he also inherited the cult to family ancestors[114][115][116] (this is still practiced in Taiwan nowadays),[117] though Chinese peasants have practiced partible inheritance since the time of the Qin Dynasty and the Han Dynasty, when the previous system of male primogeniture was abolished.[118][119][120] In some cases, the eldest son of the eldest son, rather than the eldest son, was favored.[121] Ritual primogeniture was emphasized in the Lineage organizations of North China[122] During the Longshan culture period and period of the three Dynasties (Xia dynasty, Zhou dynasty and Shang dynasty), patrilineal primogeniture predominated[123][124][125][126][127] Confucius says that the elder brother must be in a higher position than the younger brother, and texts such as the LÎ KÎ (The Book of Rites) express this idea.[128] It has been usually stated that among Mongols, on the other hand, the youngest son had an special position because he cared for his parents in their old age and on their death inherited the parental tent, which was connected with the religious cult in Mongol traditions, though all sons received more or less equal shares of livestock as they married. In contrast to this popularly held notion, however, more rigorous and substantiated anthropological studies about kinship and family in central Asian peoples strongly indicate that elder sons and their lines of descent had higher status than younger sons and their lines of descent in these societies. In central Asia, all members of a lineage were terminologically distinguished by generation and age, with senior superior to junior. The lineage structure of central Asia had three different modes. It was organized on the basis of genealogical distance, or the proximity of individuals to one another on a graph of kinship; generational distance, or the rank of generation in relation to a common ancestor, and birth order, the rank of brothers in relation to each another.[129] The paternal descent lines were collaterally ranked according to the birth of their founders, and were thus considered senior and junior to each other. Of the various collateral patrilines, the senior in order of descent from the founding ancestor, the line of eldest sons, was the most noble. In the steppe, no one had his exact equal; everyone found his place in a system of collaterally ranked lines of descent from a common ancestor.[130] It was according to this idiom of superiority and inferiority of lineages derived from birth order that legal claims to superior rank were couched.[131] Furthermore, at least among Mongols, the elder son inherited more than the younger son, and this is mandated by law codes such as the Yassa, created by Gengis Khan.[132] Probably the fact that the youngest son inherited the parental tent among Mongols has led to the widespread but mistaken conception that they practiced ultimogeniture.

Arabic kinship, in contrast to its central Asian counterpart, has been considered by some as reflective of the egalitarian nature of brothers' relationships in Arab, Caucasian and Iranian culture.[131] It is sometimes argued that the expansion of Islam brought an end to the sharp distinction between the firstborn and other sons so characteristic of ancient Semitic peoples[133][134][135][136][137][138][139][140][141] and erased the cultural notions of precedence of the first-born son over other sons in the family that previously existed among them (though many peoples who have partially or completely embraced Islam, have also established inequality between sons, like the Oromo, who even had patrilineal primogeniture in inheritance,[142][143][144][145][146][147][148] in spite of the fact that some of them were Muslim. Other Muslim peoples, like the Minangkabau, the Turks, the Javanese or the Fur, also have inheritance practices that contradict their Islamic beliefs. Of course, most non-Arab Muslims historically followed their own inheritance customs, not those of the Sharia). In India, inheritance customs were (and still are) very diverse. Patrilineal primogeniture predominated in ancient times (the Laws of Manu state that "the eldest alone may take the whole paternal estate, the others shall live under him just as they lived under their father. Immediately on the birth of his first-born a man is called the father of a son and is freed from the debt to the manes; that son, therefore, is worthy to receive the whole estate. That son alone on whom he throws his debt and through whom he obtains immortality, is begotten for the fulfillment of the law; all the rest they consider the offspring of desire"),[149][150] but since the Middle Ages, patrilineal equal inheritance has prevailed in perhaps a majority of groups,[151] although the eldest son often received an extra share[152][153] Under this system, the estate would be shared between all sons, but these would often remain together with their respective families under the headship of the karta or family head, who was usually the eldest son of the previous family head.[154][155] However, among some South Asian peoples, such as the Western Punjabi,[156] male primogeniture continued to prevail. In some cultures, such as that of Khmers and non-aristocratic Malays, Bugis and Makassarese, equality between all children, both male and female, is stressed.[157][158]

Fertility and marriage strategies across diverse societies

An overview

Among Han Chinese, first sons historically married earlier, had lower rates of definitive celibacy and had more children than their younger brothers.[159] Historical differences in marriage and/or reproductive success according to sex and parity due to inegalitarian social practices have also been demonstrated in Sweden,[160] Quebec,[161] Norway,[162][163][164] Denmark,[165][166] Finland,[80][81][82][83] [84][86] Balt peasants,[167] Alsace,[168] French elites,[169] French peasants[170] Ireland,[171] Wallonia,[172][173] the Karo Batak,[174] Ethiopian peasants,[175][176][177] the Jie and the Turkana,[178][179][180] the Datoga,[181] Dominicans,[182] the Polynesians,[183] Germany,[184][185][186][187][188][189][190][191][192][193][194][195] Austria,[196][197][198] English elites,[199] Ancient Rome,[200] Italian peasants,[201][202] Italian elites,[203] Turkish nomads,[204] Tibet,[88][100] India,[205] Catalonia,[206][207] Galicia,[208] the Netherlands,[209][210][211] Japan,[212][213][214][215][216][217][218] Koreans,[219] the northern United States (more exactly the regions that today constitute the Midwest and the Northeast as defined by the United States Census Bureau),[220] Arabs who marry endogamously,[221] the Gabra,[222][223][224] the Rendille,[225] Kipsigis,[226] the Aymara[227] the Orkney Islands,[228] Scotland,[229][230] and medieval and early-modern Portuguese elites.[231][232] In all these studies, with the exception of most from Germany, one from the Netherlands and the one from Lower Austria, the more older brothers a man had, the lower his access to marriage and reproduction.

The custom by which one, and only one, member of a family is permitted to marry is called henogamy. The classic example is that of the patrilineal Nambūdiri Brahmans of Malabār in Tamil Nadu, India; among them, only eldest sons were permitted to marry Nambūdiri women and have legitimate children. The custom is concerned with the need to keep property intact and to limit the number of legitimate heirs, but it is also buttressed by religious teachings and belief in reincarnation.[233] Among the Aymara, a symbolical-religious meaning was attached to the higher reproductive possibilities given by custom to the eldest son, too[227] (see Systems of social stratification).

Cross-cultural comparisons

The anthropologist Ruth Mace writes in her contribution to the Open Comment of an study about Polyandry in Tibet that she found that the practice of widow inheritance by younger brothers in many parts of Africa and the Asian steppe, as well as some small zones of South Asia, whereby younger brothers are forced to marry older women "somewhat against their will", also reduces the reproductive success of these men, thereby diminishing population growth.[234] On the other hand, eastern European cultures, especially Russia, have been considered as prime examples of societies characterized by early, universal and equal access to marriage and reproduction, due to their systems of equal inheritance of land and movable property by all sons[235] (although research on pre-industrial Russian Karelia suggests that younger brothers frequently remained unmarried,[236] and a high proportion of stem-family households formed by parents and their inheriting eldest son, as well as a high age at first marriage and a high proportion of female-headed households and unmarried females have also been found in some other regions,[237] so the joint-family household characterized by the equal inheritance of land and moveable property by all sons and patriarchal power relations wasn't universal in Russia, either).

According to Das Gupta's hypothesis, the patrilineal joint-family systems of India and China tend to control the size and composition of the sibling set, so the survival and well-being of higher parity (later-born) same-sex children are sharply reduced, especially in the case of girls. However, there would be no sharp differences in marriage and reproduction due to birth order, since inheritance is more or less equal for all sons. On the other hand, in the stem-family systems of Northwest Europe, there are no great efforts to control the size and composition of the sibling set, so the survival and well-being of children aren't influenced to a great degree by sex and parity; however, access to marriage and reproduction wouldn't be equal for all sons, since only one of them would inherit most or all of the land.[238] Indeed, there is overwhelming evidence for both India and China (including her own research) of the fact that the survival and well-being of children are positively influenced by the number of older siblings of the opposite sex and negatively influenced by the number of older siblings of the same sex (see [239][240][241][242][243][244][245][246][247][248] [249][250][251][252][253] for India,[254][255][256][257][258][259][260][261][262][263] for China). However, it is a well-known fact that definitive celibacy was historically relatively uncommon in India and China, but relatively common in many European societies where inheritance was impartible. However, Campbell and Lee found out that among Han Chinese first sons historically married earlier, had lower rates of definitive celibacy and had more children, especially male children, than their younger brothers, but suffered higher mortality rates. This is a pattern contrary to the expected pattern of a joint family system. They attributed this phenomenon to the fact that eldest sons, who needed to have more children, especially male children, to succeed them as heads, were willing to take more risks and suffer a higher drain of resources to have them.[159] That the Chinese joint family system had strong inegalitarian traits that made it demographically more akin to a stem family system has been noted by many scholars and, according to Emmanuel Todd and others, may probably be a reminiscence of the system of patrilineal primogeniture prevalent during the Longshan culture period and the period of the Three Dynasties (the Xia dynasty the Zhou dynasty and the Shang dynasty.[264][265][266][267][268][269])

An study about the Ju/’hoansi (!Kung), a tribal group who were traditionally foragers, has shown that, in this society, elder brothers increased the fertility of a male. The authors of this study contrasted this finding with those of pastoral and agricultural societies of East Africa (some of which are cited above in this section), where having elder brothers strongly reduces the fertility of a male, to show that in extremely simple and egalitarian societies having elder brothers may actually be beneficial. However, all other studies about forager societies have shown no correlations at all between birth order and fertility. In Germany, historically, number of elder brothers at birth increased infant survival,[270][271] and number of older brothers was positively correlated with access to marriage and reproduction due to customs of male ultimogeniture (see the studies about Germany cited above), making Germany the only other society of which there is empirical evidence that having elder brothers historically increased the lifetime fitness of a male.

Variations by class and context

An strong relationship between fertility and inheritance exists in "Malthusian" contexts of resource scarcity; in contexts where resources are plentiful, the relationship between inheritance and social outcomes can be different. In the northern United States](more exactly the Midwest and the Northeast),[272] an analysis of the outcomes of sons according to their fraternal birth order (the analysis didn't extend to daughters) revealed that being the first son had a positive correlation with wealth and fertility during 1775–1875, as in other Western cultures, but unlike in some European societies where resources were scarce, this had a complex relationship with migration, inheritance and other phenomena, since in the United States resources were plentiful. In the northern United States during 1775–1875, in large families, the first-born son travelled farthest, and he also had the most children. This is what one would expect from his early migration to a new area, and indeed, he married at a younger age; it was cheaper to set up a family in farming closer to the frontier. These differences by fraternal birth order for fertility and distances travelled also hold for wealth: the First, who went farthest during his lifetime, was wealthiest, Middle next, with Last the poorest. Instead of being able to benefit from staying behind and perhaps inheriting the family farm, the Last seems to have been disadvantaged by not being able to move to cheaper land as early in life as his brothers had done before him. In small families, on the other hand, the overall pattern is decidedly more 'Malthusian'. In these families the distribution of wealth was not related to migration. The First had a strong advantage over the other siblings. Although the Last was nearly as likely to have left his birthplace, he had two-thirds the wealth of the First. The Middles, who were most apt to have left their birthplaces, were as poor as the Onlies, who travelled least of all. So even though these families were smaller, there seems to have been less to go around. Scarce resources went to the Firsts, who became the wealthiest as a result. The much greater wealth of the Firsts in small families is consistent with the ideas of Sundstrom and David: Firsts stayed closer to home and became wealthier than the siblings who left. But parents in older areas were not abandoned even if their children did leave farming. Many stayed in the local area even though they worked as artisans or in commerce. These materials show that there was a disadvantage to staying home and caring for aged parents, but, contrary to their hypothesis, this happened in the large farm families close to the frontier, rather than in the older areas, where opportunities outside farming were located (and fertility of these families on those farms closer to the frontier was not reduced as Sundstrom and David predicted). Even so, the Last stayed near home despite the costs to him and without any 'bribe' to do so. The family migration pattern described in the large families seems to be designed to provide old age care since the family did not scatter until the father died. No bribe was required but the last-born truly suffered.[272]

Kathleen A. Gillogly discusses how inheritance practices and seniority of patriline, as well as the importance of inheritance itself, have varied over time among the Lisu, mostly in response to changes in resource availability and poppy cultivation.[273]

In some European societies males outreproduced females among the higher class, while females outreproduced males among the lower classes. According to the Trivers-Willard hypothesis, high status parents should favor sons while low-status parents should favor daughters. The Mukogodo and the Ifaluk have provided confirmatory evidence for this theory, but research on the United States has failed to confirm this hypothesis[274] In the United States, daughters currently inherit on average more than sons.[275] In past times, however, the eldest son was favored in matters of land inheritance in the United States. During the Colonial Period, the eldest son inherited twice more than the other sons in the northern colonies (these inheritance laws were modelled on Mosaic Law), and in the southern colonies there was even a rule of male primogeniture.[276] Those who migrated from the countryside to the small cities in the United States during the nineteenth century tended to be the younger sons within farm households.[277] A recent study in northern Ghana, a region where male primogeniture predominates, also found that in rich households sons are favoured over daughters.[278] The authors of this sutudy didn't analyse possible effects of fraternal birth order, although they wrote that "A last thing to consider is a potential effect that birth order could have on the observed patterns. It could be expected that the first-born son would be preferred; because he would inherit the wealth and therefore have high reproductive prospects while later born sons would be less favored".

Possible relationship with male sexuality

The more older brothers a man has, the greater the probability is that he will have a homosexual orientation (the famous fraternal birth order effect). This is because, with each preceding pregnancy of a boy, a mother increases the release of antigens that feminize the brain of the next boy.[279] According to evolutionary explanations, mothers do this to prevent competition for resources between sons.[280] Only having maternal elder brothers increases a male's chance of being homosexual; paternal elder brothers alone have no effect on a male's sexuality. According to Spanish chroniclers, among some Indigenous American peoples mothers used to make the youngest of various brothers dress and behave like a female. In many villages in northern Thailand, when a family had no daughters, the youngest son would sometimes become homosexual, dress and behave like a woman and fulfill some social obligations customarily ascribed to the youngest daughter, like performing ritual dances or remaining home unmarried caring for the parents. These gay youngest sons were called kathoey.[281] The custom of making the youngest of various sons homosexual also existed in many other places where mothers had high status, like Madagascar (sarombavy),[282] Tonga (fakafefine),[283] Samoa (fa'afāfine),[284][285] or Burma (accault). Although no such custom existed anywhere in the more patriarchal cultures of the West, a positive correlation between number of maternal elder brothers and a male's chance of being homosexual exists among many human groups for whom a historical negative correlation between number of elder brothers and reproductive success is attested, such as North Americans,[286] English,[287][288] Welsh,[289] Italians,[290] Spanish,[291] Dutch,[292] Japanese[293] and Han Chinese.[294] Among all these peoples, the more older brothers a man has, the greater the probability is that he will have a homosexual orientation, probably because elder brothers historically reduced the reproductive success of younger brothers.[295] However, the contrary pathiarchal custom of a father depriving his elder sons of his patrimony, thereby decreasing their reproductive opportunities, and making his youngest son heir with the intention of delaying his age of retirement also existed among some peoples. It was typical of some Tibeto-Burman groups like the Lushei. In Europe it was most common among the Sami and most German-speaking groups.

Cultural patterns of child-preference

Nowadays in the western world, parents commonly show favoritism towards daughters and later-born sons,[296][297][298] As regards only parent-son relationships, mothers usually show favoritism towards the first and the last son; their greatest expectation for the first son is that he continues the family line, while their greatest expectation for the last son is that he cares for her during her old age. Fathers, on the other hand, show more favoritism towards a son the later he has been born in comparison to his brothers. However, these tendencies aren't reflected in current inheritance practices, which have lost much of their past importance and are now generally egalitarian, and familial practices in general do not reflect significant sex or birth order biases. Familial or social feelings against firstborn sons have been explained as a consequence of the idea that the eldest son, being the foremost representative of the following generation, is also the one who symbolically "kills" the older generation. Mary W. Helms writes in "Access to Origins: Affines, Ancestors, and Aristocrats": "parents … may view their firstborn with considerable ambivalence given that this child is incontrovertible evidence that their own personal and social prominence will one day be usurped by the next generation. In such settings, firstborns … may be forced to stand apart from parents and be treated with considerable coldness".[299] (See also Robert A. Paul's work on the Sherpas[300]). Customs of ultimogeniture have been explained as a consequence of the farmers' desire to postpone a few years their age of retirement due to feelings of being "early dethroned" if they chose their eldest sons as successors. This line of superstitious thinking has been linked to the preeminence of lastborn siblings in popular myth and folklore around the world. Thus in some cultures that practice male primogeniture there are ambiguous, contradictory feelings towards lastborns. (see for example Walter H. Sangree's investigations about the Tiriki tribe in Kenya).[301] Yet in all societies that practice infanticide, it is the youngest of the infants of the same sex who is invariably killed[302][303] (see for example the evidence of population control among peasant families in Tokugawa Japan, where families killed the children born of the sex that was overrepresented among previous births after the birth of the second child, such that a couple who had two children and both were male would kill the next child if he was also a boy, for example,[304][305][306] or among contemporary Karo Batak, who do the same[174]). The true objective of infanticide seems to be always population control, as shown for example by archaeological evidence regarding Child Sacrifice in Carthage, where youngest sons sons were customarily sacrificed to the Gods according to Lawrence E. Stager.[307] He writes that this was done because even where primogeniture was the rule, family claims of one sort or another could easily dilute the family patrimony. However, according to Laiu Facchai, Phoenicians were the Semitic people among whom male primogeniture was strongest.[308]

Research has also shown that in English-speaking countries, but not in Japan, there is a tendency for the older sibling to be the victim and the younger sibling to be the killer in siblicide cases in which victim and killer are of the same sex.[309] This study also showed that there are many more Siblicide cases in English-speaking countries than in Japan. In English-speaking countries, younger siblings are generally the perpetrators of violence against older siblings when both of them are adults and of the same sex, especially if they are brothers.[310][311] Among the Dutch, by contrast, conflict between siblings is rare,[312] although firstborns are typically less dominant than laterborns.[313]

Peculiar rites of celebration and avoidance of the firstborn are seen among the Fulbe.[314]

Among the Hausa, a mother and his eldest son engage in mutual avoidance behavior: "the purpose of this behavior is to mark her change of status from that of a wife without a male child to one who has produced an heir" (Among the Hausa, "inheritance is by primogeniture"[315]). "The continuance of avoidance behavior -the taboo on saying her son's name and his on mentioning hers, for example- is a constant reminder of her social position and the prestige it accords her. Members of the community, for example,will refer to her teknonymously as "the mother of Sule" (uwar Sule), for example. They will express their approval of her status through the increased politeness of their greetings and in other displays of courtesy. A father and son also exhibit mutual avoidance if the son is his mother's first male child. The father never addresses his son directly, but speaks through intermediaries, often the son's paternal uncles. He sends him supplies, money, and watches over him carefully but distantly. Again the relationship marks status.It also forces the child to search outside the wider nuclear family for emotional support and to realize that the wider Hausa community can supply what the more immediate nuclear family lacks (M.G. Smith 1959)"[316]

The Tallensi, who also practiced male primogeniture, also had customs of avoidance (that were far stronger than those of the Hausa) between the eldest son and the father and the eldest daughter and the mother because of their religious beliefs. Among the Mossi, the eldest son would be sent to relatives shortly after circumcision; he would return to the parental household shortly after puberty, and finally after the death of his father he would inherit his property. The Zulus addressed the eldest son and the eldest daughter as 'prince' and 'princess', respectively. Among the Dinka, first sons had an special relationship to the father's totem and divinities (Lienhardt 1961, p. 197). Nancy Scheper-Hughes notes the favoritism towards the first-born son traditionally prevalent in Irish culture and attributes it to the Irish superstition that the first of every thing, action or being is the best, while the last is the worst.[317] Ancient Jews also had the idea that the male first-born of every offspring, human or animal, was sacred and belonged to God (see pidyon haben). According to Jewish tradition, prior to the sin of the golden calf, the eldest son in each family was a kohen. God chose the Levites in their place after the sin of the golden calf, so a first-born son must be redeemed from his birth-state that would oblige him to be a kohen. Francis L. K. Hsu, in "Kinship and Culture", discusses the similarities and differences between Chinese and Tikopia kinship.[318] Raymond Firth carried out a thorough study of the Tikopia in 1929 ("We, the Tikopia"[319]). He revisited the island in 1952 and realized that many of the customs he saw in 1929 were being abandoned, such as the rule that the eldest son must marry and receive more land, as well as the paternal house (in 36 cases the eldest son received the house and in 21 cases a younger son received the house)[320] to continue the main line of descent, while younger sons must remain bachelors, or emigrate, or even die.[321][322] By 1952 marriage was beginning to be universal.[323] However, in the succession to chieftainship, the traditional custom of male primogeniture continued to be respected in Tikopia by 1952.[324] Traditional patterns of favoritism can even influence people's political or personal attitudes according to their birth order. In Japan, for example, where the eldest son was traditionally in a better position than his siblings, research has demonstrated that first sons have a lower preference for income redistribution and other traits typical of better-off people, a finding that the researchers attributed to the Japanese tradition of favoring the eldest son.[325] Research on contemporary German Swiss, a people who traditionally favored the youngest son, has shown the reverse results.[326]

Thus in Northwest Europe, especially among German-speaking peoples, choosing a child who wasn't the eldest son as inheritor was most common in systems of impartible inheritance, and this was done to avoid co-residence between parents and the eldest son, which was thought of as undesirable, male primogeniture being mostly rejected outside the tiny group of the landed aristocracy;[327] and even nowadays parents in European countries are more likely to coreside with a later-born child than with a firstborn child.[328][329] However, in some societies in Sub-Saharan Africa where male primogeniture was practiced, tensions between parents and their inheriting eldest son were resolved through rituals of avoidance, which were most extreme among the Tallensi (although minor avoidance rituals among other peoples such as the Hausa have been given other explanations, it is likely that the underlying psychological principle is the same). Among East Asian peoples, on the other hand, co-residence between parents and their eldest son was thought of as normal and desirable in systems of impartible inheritance, and in some countries such as Japan, Vietnam and South Korea it is widely practiced even nowadays[330][331][332][333][334][335][336][337][338] [339] [340][341][342][343][344][345][346] In the specific case of Japan, although the positive effect of being an edest son on coresidence with parents had declined somewhat during the last decades, after 1998 it has increased again in response to the economic crisis.[347] The coresidence between parents and their eldest son has increased the mean age of marriage of eldest sons, as they now face difficulties finding a wife willing to live with her in-laws,[348][349][350][351] in contrast to what happened in past times, when their marriage and reproduction was facilitated by their status as heirs.[212][213][214][215][218][352][353] The same has happened in some areas of southern France with a similar family system.[354] In Japan, the higher demands placed on eldest male children make them perceive the parenting style as more rejecting in comparison to other children, especially daughters, who are educated to be feminine and gentle,[355] and make them more prone to mental illnesses.[356] In Japan, Korea and Vietnam, as well as in some of those European regions where male primogeniture was practiced (such as Catalonia), parents didn't transfer their property to the inheriting son at the point of his marriage as among Germans; instead, the first son remained under his father's authority even after he had married and had had children, and the father remained the nominal head of the family until his death, relinquishing his actual authority slowly and gradually. Osamu Saito describes the Japanese stem family as follows:

"1) Under the i.e. system, one son remain in the parents' household, but other have to leave (what Nakane calls 'one-son succession' rule). The i.e. system's well-defined boundary runs between the son-heir and other siblings, as is suggested in the proverb: 'The sibling is the beginning in the stranger.' 2) The marriage of the son-heir does not necessarily mean that he assumes the headship and management of the i.e. The takeover 'can take place at any time between the marriage of the heir and the death of his predecessor', but usually occurs at a given time according to local or familial traditions. 3) The marriage pattern of the heir and his siblings may diverge: given rule 1, above, it is likely that those who stay in the household tend to marry early and those who leave tend to marry later. 4) It is only the marriages of the latter group of non-heir sons which depend on economic conditions, in particular both land accessibility and job opportunities, but usually the latter".[357]

The Catalan and the Occitan stem families were the European family types that most closely resembled this model.[358][359][360]

In Vietnam, according to surveys carried out by the Institute of Sociology in 1991, "26.7 percent liked to live with the eldest son, 9.1 percent with the youngest son; 12.6 percent with one married son; 4.1 percent with one child, whoever son or daughter; only 2 percent with a married daughter, and only 1.1 percent with a youngest daughter. More specifically, nearly half of the old people preferred to live and eat together with one child (47.4 percent), less than one fifth preferred to live with the family of one child, but have a separate kitchen (18.1 percent)" (Institute of Sociology 1991).

In China, where land is nowadays divided up between all sons at the point of each one's marriage, some studies have found that parents generally reside with the youngest son and his wife. Most peasants, however, insist that in traditional times it had been the eldest son who, after his marriage, had normally stayed on with the parents until they passed away. Jonathan Unger writes in "FAMILY CUSTOMS AND FARMLAND REALLOCATIONS IN CONTEMPORARY CHINESE VILLAGES":

"Today, a rural Chinese household’s property, including its landholdings, is almost always divided up at the time when each of the older sons marries. Frequently it is the youngest son who stays on in the parents’ home and inherits what remains of the parents’ personal portion of the property. Is this a traditional phenomenon, or is it a new practice? Related to this question is the farmers’ attitude towards property rights. Before 1949 farmers had a strong sense of property rights and a firm attachment to their own plots of land. In contrast, today farmers in many parts of China prefer agricultural land not to be privately owned. In fact, they prefer it to be periodically reallocated between neighbouring families, giving land free of charge to households that have grown in membership and taking land from families that have shrunk. Why is there such a preference for land reallocations among China’s farmers? Let us examine the first of these sets of practices. Is the division of a farm family’s property at the time of each son’s marriage a “new born” custom? And traditionally, did rural parents most often live together with the youngest son after his marriage, not with the eldest son? When I asked interviewees in villages in a number of Chinese provinces about this, most insisted that in traditional times it had been the eldest son who, after his marriage, had normally stayed on with the parents until they passed away: that this had been in accord with Confucian teachings of giving precedence to the eldest son. And when I examined books that provide an overall view of pre-revolution family life, a similar generalization cropped up. Lloyd Eastman, for instance, in his book Family, Field and Ancestors wrote that “It was customary... for just the eldest son to continue to reside in the family home and look after the aging parents: younger sons had to move out soon after they took a wife” But if we look instead at studies of specific pre-revolution Chinese villages, it becomes evident that, in fact, village households most frequently followed the opposite course. The practices today are the same as the range of preferences that are found in the studies about pre-revolution villages and Taiwanese villages. My visits to villages in a number of provinces in China revealed that parents who live in stem families with one of their sons most frequently live with the younger son, or alternatively live entirely independently, or live or eat with each married son in turn. Other recent researchers in Chinese villages have found similar living arrangements (e.g., Wang 2004; Jing 2004; Zhang 2004). What is different today is that the division of the paternal household, including its land and other property, most often takes place at the point of marriage. In pre-revolution times, most rural households apparently did not split into separate families by dividing their assets at the first point of a son’s marriage. Rather, the household often held together as a single economic and social unit for some years after the eldest son’s wedding (see, e.g., Harrell 1982: 159–170; Cohen 1970, 1976). Households sometimes remained intact until the younger sons themselves married and the separate conjugal interests of the brothers and their wives began eroding the household’s unity. Why, then, today do the elder sons most frequently split off from their paternal family at the point of their wedding? Certainly, the shift arose within the collective period, as is evident from a number of studies of Chinese villages (e.g., Chan, Madsen and Unger 1992:194; Parish and Whyte 1978: 220; Selden 1993: 145). Before the revolution, when the family had productive assets including land, the drawbacks of cutting the family property into smaller portions had provided a disincentive to split up the household immediately. But under the collectives there was no longer land or a household economy to hold a family together. Instead, the main source of income was in work points, earned by each individual, and thus the economic deterrent to dividing the household had disappeared."[361]

However, some studies have found that coresiding with the eldest son and his family is prevalent even today.[362][363][364] Shangyi Mao and Brett Graham, in their study "The Residential Choice of Siblings in China", using data from general surveys, concluded that the birth order of sons and daughters didn't influence coresidence with parents. Only children and sons were more likely to coreside with parents than daughters and children with siblings, but the order of birth between children of the same sex didn't influence coresidence with parents.[365] However, a recent study, also using empirical evidence, concluded that coresident children are more likely to be firstborn sons.[366] Coresidence between parents and the eldest son is also common in South Asian countries, such as Bangladesh and India,[367][368] as well as in Arab countries, such as Egypt.[369] In Israel, coresidence between parents and their eldest son prevails in the context of the 'Moshav' movement, a settlement movement that prohibited breaking up family plots; thus the eldest son inherits the family farm.[370][371]

According to Meyer Fortes, "it is the firstborn who establishes the relationship of filiation once for all in respect of his parents' field of kinship and it is he (or she) who frequently carries the responsibility of representing te whole of his co-filiate sibling group in jural and ritual contexts. It is he who is likely to be principal heir and successor to his father in patrilineal, to a mother's brother in matrilineal, systems and it is upon him therefore that both the continuity and solidarity, and the cleavage and rivalry, between successive generations are apt to be focused".[372] "The distinction is made explicit and the first born is thus set apart in almost every aspect of social organization, firstly as creator of parenthood, secondly as founder of the filial generation, thirdly as head of the sibling group thus constituted. In the ___domain of law and politics, he may be the designated heir, by primogeniture, as among Tallensi, Mossi, Tikopia, Hindu, Chinese, and other patrilineal peoples of antiquity as well as of today".[373] He wrote extensively about the firstborn in his article "The firstborn".[374]

In South Korea, modern businesses (chaebol) are handed down according to male primogeniture in most cases.[375] An study of family firms in the UK, France, Germany and US found that male primogeniture was the inheritance rule in more than half of family firms in France and the UK, but only in less than a third of those in the US and only in a quarter (25 per cent) of those in Germany.

An study found that South Korean parents favor sons over daughters, as sons receive larger inter-vivos transfers and attain higher levels of education, while parents in the US favor daughters over sons, as inter-vivos transfers and educational investment is generally higher among female adult children.[376]

Seema Jayachandran and Rohini Pande found that there is an strong parental preference for the eldest son in India, partly for religious reasons, and this even causes a progressive decrease in the height of each successive son.[33] A decrease in the height of each successive son has also been found among other peoples with an strong preference for the eldest son, such as Swedes,[377][378] New Zealanders,[379] pre-1945 Japanese[380] and Filipinos.[381] By contrast, an study in Germany found that height progressively increased in each successive son.[382]

Social approaches to inheritance customs

Employing differing forms of succession can affect many areas of society. Gender roles are profoundly affected by inheritance laws and traditions. Impartible inheritance has the effect of keeping large estates united and thus perpetuating an elite. With partible inheritance large estates are slowly divided among many descendants and great wealth is thus diluted, leaving higher opportunities to individuals to make a success. (If great wealth is not diluted, the positions in society tend to be much more fixed and opportunities to make an individual success are lower). Inheritance customs can even affect gender differences in cognitive abilities: a recent study[383] showed that among the Karbis, who employ male primogeniture, men perform significantly better than women in tasks of spatial abilities, while there are no significant differences in the performance of men and women among the Khasis, who employ female ultimogeniture.

The degree of acceptance that a society may show towards an inheritance rule can also vary. In South Africa, for example, the influence of more modern, western social ideas has caused strong opposition, both civil and official, to the customary law of patrilineal primogeniture traditionally prevalent among black peoples, and inheritance customs are gradually changing.[384][385][386][387][388][389] J.Bennett explains the customary law of South African indigenous tribes (male primogeniture) in detail in his book "Customary Law in South Africa":

"If the head of a family had only one wife, the rules of succession for all systems of customary law in South Africa are more or less the same. A deceased is succeeded by his oldest son; if that son is already dead, the oldest surviving grandson succeeds. Failing any male issue in the oldest son's family, succession passes to the deceased's second son and his male descendants and so on through all the deceased's sons and their male offspring. [..] In polygynous families, these rules of succession are modified to take account of the fact that the household is divided into separate units or `houses'. According to all the systems of customary law in South Africa, each of a man's marriages establishes a new and independent house. The property in these houses is kept strictly separate, for each estate is inherited by the heir to the house. A further consideration to determine the inheritance of house property is whether the system of polygyny is `simple' or `complex'. According to the simple system, the heir is the first-married wife's oldest son, or, if that person is already dead, his oldest son. Failing any male descendants in the first house, the next in order of succession is the oldest son of the second-married wife and his male descendants, and so forth.When homesteads are divided into two (or even three) different sections, the system of polygyny is termed `complex'. With Xhosa-speaking peoples, for instance, the homestead of a man with two wives is divided into great and right-hand sides. The oldest son of each house becomes heir to that house; if one house has no male issue, the eldest son of the other inherits both. Where the deceased had married a third wife, she would be affiliated (as a qadi or support) to the great house. If one of the houses has no heir, it is inherited by the most senior heir of the section of the homestead to which it was attached. In other words, the heir to a qadi of the great house would be the eldest son of the great house. Conversely, if the great house had no heir, it would be inherited by the heir of its qadi. Zulu homesteads may be divided into three sections: a great house (indlunkulu), a right-hand house or support (iqadi) and a left-hand house (ikhohlwa). As with the Xhosa, junior houses are affiliated to one of the senior houses, and, if there are no sons in the iqadi (or any of its affiliated junior houses), recourse is had to the indlunkulu, and vice versa. Where the ikhohlwa and its junior houses have no heir, this section is inherited by the heir of the indlunkulu."

In Lesotho[390] and southern Ethiopia,[391] surveys reveal that most people today still follow the custom of male primogeniture. On the other hand, in Zambia (where it applies to 80 per cent of all the land in the country),[392] Namibia[393][394] and Cameroon,[395] the customary law of patrilineal primogeniture prevalent in these countries is also beginning to be challenged in court. In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, the predominant custom of male primogeniture is also beginning to be considered unfair by some women and younger sons.[396] However, in South Sudan,[397] Uganda,[398] Tanzania (where it applies to 80 per cent of patrilineal communities),[399] Burundi,[400] Equatorial Guinea,[401] Zimbabwe and Gambia,[402] the custom of patrilineal primogeniture predominant in all these nations hasn't yet caused much opposition. In Ghana, the diverse inheritance customs across ethnic groups (such as male primogeniture among the Ewe and the Krobos, or matrilineal inheritance among the Akan) contribute to the phenomenon of children living in the streets.[403] In Sierra Leone, the inheritance customs prevalent in the country (either the eldest son or the eldest brother inherits the property) create insecurities for widows.[404] In South Korea, favouring the eldest son has been predominant almost up to this day, despite laws of equal inheritance for all children, and even in 2005, in more than half (52.6 per cent) cases of inheritance the eldest son inherited most or all of his parent's property; in more than 30 per cent of cases the eldest son inherited all of his parent's property.[339][340][405] (in North Korea, which obviously had the same family pattern as the South in the past, when they formed a single country, there has been no inheritance of the family property since its proclamation as an independent communist country in 1948).

Social transformations can also modify inheritance customs to a great extent. For example, the Samburu are pastoralists who have traditionally practiced an attenuated form of patrilineal primogeniture, with the eldest son receiving the largest share of the family herd and each succeeding son receiving a considerably smaller share than any of his seniors.[406] Now that many of them have become agriculturalists, some argue that land inheritance should follow patrilineal primogeniture, while others argue for equal division of the land.[407] The Bhil, who were hunter-gatherers in the past, adopted a system of attenuated patrilineal primogeniture identical to that of pastoral Samburu when they became agriculturalists,[408] and the same custom also prevails among some other peoples, like the Elgeyo,[409] the Maasai[410] or the Nupe. The Amhara, most of whom divide their property between all sons and do not leave most or all of the land to only one of them, nevertheless practice male primogeniture in some regions,[411] and favoring the eldest son is also common among the Dinka.[103][104] Among the Shona, "the eldest son inherits first and obtains the largest and/or most productive piece of land".[412] The oldest accounts of the Shona already speak about patrilineal primogeniture as their inheritance custom. "When a man dies, his eldest son by any wife is the principal heir".[413] "under Shona law a deceased’s eldest son is his heir".[414] "At the kurovagova of a married man there is usually a question of more than one succession. In the first place the deceased's eldest son will be invested with this father's own name whereby he becomes the head of his father's house. But the widow will be inherited by the deceased's brother".[415] However, the widow could choose not to be inherited by any man.[416]

Systems of social stratification

Detailed anthropological and sociological studies have been made about customs of patrilineal inheritance, where only male children can inherit. Some cultures also employ matrilineal succession, where property can only pass along the female line, most commonly going to the sister's sons of the decedent; but also, in some societies, from the mother to her daughters. Some ancient societies and most modern states employ egalitarian inheritance, without discrimination based on gender and/or birth order.

The evolution of inheritance practices in Europe

The right of patrilineal primogeniture, though widespread during medieval and modern times in Europe, doesn't seem to have prevailed so extensively in ancient times. In Athens, according to Demosthenes and the Laws of Solon, the eldest son inherited the house and with it the cult to family ancestors[417][418] (Demosthenes defended these special rights of the eldest son in his city). Aristotle speaks about patrilineal primogeniture during his time in some Greek cities (Thebes, Corinth), as well as the revolts that put an end to it in some others (Massalia, Istros, Heraclea[disambiguation needed], Cnido).[419] While he was opposed to this right, Plato wanted it to become more widespread.[420][421] However, the nature of inheritance practices in ancient Sparta is hotly debated among scholars. Ancient Greeks also considered the eldest son the avenger of wrongs done to parents -"The Erinyes are always at the command of the first-born", they said-.

Roman law didn't recognise primogeniture, but in practice Romans favored the eldest son.[422] In Ancient Persia, succession to the family headship was determined by patrilineal primogeniture[423]

Among Celtic and German peoples, the predominant custom during ancient times seems to have been to divide the land in equal parts for each of the sons. However, the house, of course, could be left to only one of them; evidence of actual practices and law codes such as the Sachsenspiegel indicate that Germans left the house to the youngest son (this was possibly connected to the cult to family ancestors, which was also inherited by the youngest son[424]), while Celts from Ireland and northern France left it to the eldest son.[425] Both Germans and Irish divided the land into equal shares until the early Modern Age, when impartible inheritance gradually took hold among both peoples. The German tribe of the Tencteri, however, employed patrilineal primogeniture according to Tacitus,[426] and there is evidence that in Schleswig Holstein, leaving the estate to the eldest son and giving only monetary compensation to his siblings was the prevailing practice since around the year 100. Patrilineal primogeniture also prevailed among the Vikings. In Scotland, certain types of property descended exclusively to the eldest son in the Scottish Lowlands even before the Norman conquest (1066), and patrilineal primogeniture with regards to all types of immoveable property became the legal rule in all of Scotland during the reign of William I (1165–1214). Until 1868, all immovable property, also called in Scottish law "heritable property" (buildings, lands, etc.) was inherited exclusively by the eldest son and couldn't be included in a will;[427] after 1868, it could be included in a will or testament, but if a person died intestate, it was still inherited exclusively by the eldest son.[428] In 1964, this rule of male primogeniture in cases of intestacy was finally abolished.[429] In England, the custom of Northumbria (northern England) reserved a substantial birthright for the eldest son even before the Norman conquest according to Bede, and other local customs of inheritance also gave certain additional benefits to the eldest son. After the Norman conquest (1066), male primogeniture became widespread throughout the country, and it became the common law of the country[430] with the promulgation of the Magna Carta (1215), only somewhat later than in Scotland. After 1540, a testator could dispose of its immovable property as he saw fit with the use of a testament, but until 1925 it was still inherited solely by the eldest son if he died intestate. In England, however, although the gentry and the nobility practiced a relatively strict form of male primogeniture,[431] among peasants there was no clearly prevalent inheritance pattern,[432][433][434][435][436] giving rise to a sort of "proto-capitalist" rural economy (the "absolute nuclear" family). In fact, during Late Medieval Times male ultimogeniture ("Borough-English") was the predominant custom in England, as it was the customary rule of inheritance among unfree peasants according to the Encyclopædia Britannica,[437] and this social class comprised most of the population according to the Domesday Book. In Scotland, by contrast, an strict form of male primogeniture prevailed (and still prevails) even among peasants.[438][439][440][441][442]

The Scottish clan of the feudal era, which survived in the Highlands until 1747, was the only known example of a conical clan in Europe, along with the Roman gens according to Fustel de Coulanges.[443] As Gartmore says in a paper written in 1747, "The property of these Highlands belongs to a great many different persons, who are more or less considerable in proportion to the extent of their estates, and to the command of men that live upon them, or follow them on account of their clanship, out of the estates of others. These lands are set by the landlord during pleasure, or a short tack, to people whom they call good-men, and who are of a superior station to the commonality. These are generally the sons, brothers, cousins, or nearest relations of the landlord. The younger sons of families are not bred to any business or employments, but are sent to the French or Spanish armies, or marry as soon as they are of age. Those are left to their own good fortune and conduct abroad, and these are preferred to some advantageous farm at home. This, by the means of a small portion, and the liberality of their relations, they are able to stock, and which they, their children, and grandchildren, possess at an easy rent, till a nearer descendant be again preferred to it. As the propinquity removes, they become less considered, till at last they degenerate to be of the common people ; unless some accidental acquisition of wealth supports them above their station. As this hath been an ancient custom, most of the farmers and cottars are of the name and clan of the proprietor ; and, if they are not really so, the proprietor either obliges them to assume it, or they are glaid to do so, to procure his protection and favour."

Prior to the advent of feudalism during Late Medieval times and the creation of the system above explained, no trace of male primogeniture or a similar custom existed in Scotland or elsewhere in the Celtic world. The successor to the office of the chief was selected among the wider kin of the previous chief (tanistry), and the land, among common families, was divided between all sons. Among many ancient Germanic tribes, on the other hand, male primogeniture determined succession to political office, the eldest son of a chief customarily succeeding his father. The common rule of land inheritance was partible inheritance, as in the Celtic world.

The British custom of male primogeniture became also prevalent in some British colonies, most strongly in Australia.[444] The contrary development occurred in South Africa, where the Afrikaner colonizers, who practiced partible inheritance,[445] were always opposed to the custom of male primogeniture prevalent among indigenous black peoples.[19][446] In New Zealand, European colonizers chose any son to succeed to the family farm, without regards to his fraternal birth order,[447] while patrilineal primogeniture prevailed among the indigenous Maori people.[448]

In parts of northern France, giving a slightly larger share to the eldest son was common among peasants even before the 10th century; after that century, patrilineal primogeniture developed among the nobility (impartible inheritance never obtained among peasants in most of northern France). Flanders was probably the first country where patrilineal primogeniture became predominant among aristocrats.[449] By the time of the French revolution it had become almost universal in this social class in western, central and northern Europe,[450] but inheritance customs among peasants varied widely across regions.

Strabo also speaks about customs of male primogeniture among Iberian peoples (it must be noted that most of the Iberian peninsula was populated by then by Celtic or half-Celtic peoples, not Iberians proper). He mentions that among the Cantabrii, however, the eldest child regardless of sex inherited the family property. By the term "Cantabrii" he was most probably referring not to the actual Cantabrians but to the Basques (who were not an Iberian people); among the Basques of France, this usage survived until the French Revolution,[451] long after it had been replaced by male primogeniture or free selection of an heir among the Basques of Spain. In Catalonia, in northeastern Spain, the custom of male primogeniture survived in an exceptionally vigorous form among peasants until very recent times (in northeastern Catalonia, for example, peasants rigorously respected the right of male primogeniture until very recent times.[452] In the province of Lleida, too, even as late as the mid-twentieth century, only 7.11 percent of the sons who became single-heirs were not the first son.[452] In central[453][454] and southern[455][456][457] Catalonia, male primogeniture was also predominant). However, in other past Iberian regions which were subject to greater Muslim influence, such as Valencia, this custom only survived in some areas.[458][459][460][461][462][463]

Welsh laws of inheritance

The ancient Welsh laws of inheritance inform us about the evolution of inheritance practices in Great Britain. The Venedotian Code establishes that land must be partitioned between all sons and that the youngest has a preferential claim to the buildings:

" If there be buildings, the youngest brother but one is to divide the tyddyns,* for in that case he is the meter; and the youngest to have his choice of the tyddyns, and after that he is to divide all the patrimony. And by seniority they are to choose unto the youngest ; and that division is to continue during the lives of the brothers."

"If there be no buildings on the land, the youngest son is to divide all the patrimony, and the eldest is to choose ; and each, in seniority, choose unto the youngest."

"Land of a hamlet is not to be shared as tyddyns, but as gardens ; and if there be buildings thereon, the youngest son is not more entitled to them than the eldest, but they are to be shared as chambers."

" When brothers share their patrimony between them, the younger is to have the principal tenement, and all the buildings, of his father, and eight einvs of land ; his boiler, his hatchet, and his coulter, because a father cannot give these three to any one but the youngest son, and though they should be pledged they never become forfeited. Then let every brother take an homestead with eight erws of land ; and the youngest son is to divide, and they are to choose in succession from the eldest to the youngest."

This was later replaced by a preference for the eldest son, and the Dimetian Code provides:

"Whoever shall have dadenhudd adjudged to him, no one, by law, can eject him therefrom, except a proprietary heir to dadenhudd, according to age, that is, the eldest; since the second dadenhudd cannot eject the first; and one non-proprietor cannot eject another non-proprietor. If there be a dispute between two lawful heirs, one is proprietary heir to the dadenhudd of the whole, and another is non-proprietor; the one, however, is proprietor to dadenhudd of the whole, as dadenhudd of the whole is not appropriate to any one, but to the eldest of all the brothers. The privilege of age of the eldest brother renders all the younger brothers non-proprietors, and renders him sole proprietor for dadenhudd of all; if the younger ones come before him to obtain dadenhudd, at what time soever may come, he is to eject them all, and is to obtain dadenhudd of the whole: if they make the demand jointly, they are to obtain it jointly, as has been mentioned above. The eldest brother is likewise a primary son, and the youngest is secondary in claim; and therefore it is said: the second dadenhudd cannot eject the first. All the younger brothers are non-proprietors, as to obtaining dadenhudd of the whole, although every one shall obtain his share; and on that account it is said: no non-proprietor can eject another non-proprietor."[464]

Canon law dictated patrilineal primogeniture:

" The ecclesiastical law says again that no son is to have the patrimony but the eldest born to the father by the married wife. The law of Howel, however, adjudges it to the younger son as well as to the oldest, and decides that the sin of the father, or his illegal act, is not to be brought against the son as to lus patrimony."

During the Modern Age, many Welsh peasants in upland areas lived in stem families where the eldest son took over the farm when his father became old.[465] Perhaps most intriguingly, in the inner, lowland areas of Wales, where English culture was stronger and absolute nuclear families on the English model prevailed, male ultimogeniture predominated.[466]

The fideicommissum

Inheritance can be organized in a way that its use is restricted by the desires of someone (usually of the decedent).[467] An inheritance may have been organized as a fideicommissum, which usually cannot be sold or diminished, only its profits are disposable. A fideicommissum's succession can also be ordered in a way that determines it long (or eternally) also with regard to persons born long after the original descendant. Royal succession has typically been more or less a fideicommissum, the realm not (easily) to be sold and the rules of succession not to be (easily) altered by a holder (a monarch). The fideicommissum, which in fact had little resemblance to the Roman institution of the same name, was almost the standard method of property transfer among the European nobility; Austria, Germany, Switzerland, Bohemia, Sweden and Italy were some of the countries where it became very popular among wealthy landowners, beginning in most cases around the early Modern Age. It was almost always organized around principles of male primogeniture. The Spanish mayorazgo and the Portuguese morgado also resembled the Continental fideicommissum more than the noble customs of Great Britain and most French regions; noble customs of primogeniture in these countries were more ancient and thus took different legal forms. Inheritance of noble titles also distinguished Great Britain from Continental Europe, since in most European countries most noble titles (though not estates) were inherited by all sons, sometimes even all children.[468]

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  29. ^ Birth Order, Child Labor, and School Attendance in Brazil PATRICK M. EMERSON Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, USA and ANDRE´ PORTELA SOUZA * Sa˜o Paulo School of Economics, Fundac¸a˜o Getulio Vargas, Brazil http://econ.ucdenver.edu/beckman/tiffany/childlabor/emerson-birth-order.pdf
  30. ^ Sibship size and status attainment across contexts: Evidence from the Netherlands, 1840–1925 Hilde Bras Jan Kok Kees Mandemakers http://vkc.library.uu.nl/vkc/seh/research/Lists/Research%20Desk/Attachments/39/testingtodd.pdf
  31. ^ INDIVIDUAL LIVES AND FAMILY STRATEGIES IN THE FRENCH PROLETARIAT* Louise A. Till http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/handle/2027.42/67452/10.1177_036319907900400204.pdf?sequence=2
  32. ^ Birth Order and Schooling: Theory and Evidence from Twelve Sub-Saharan Countries Michel Tenikue and Bertrand Verheyden http://jae.oxfordjournals.org/content/19/4/459
  33. ^ a b Why Are Indian Children Shorter Than African Children? Seema Jayachandran Northwestern University Rohini Pande Harvard University July 27, 2013 http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~sjv340/height.pdf
  34. ^ Has the One-Child Policy Improved Adolescents’ Educational Wellbeing in China? Juhua Yang http://paa2006.princeton.edu/papers/60804
  35. ^ W EI - HSIN Y U The University of Texas at Austin K UO - HSIEN S U National Taiwan University* Gender, Sibship Structure, and Educational Inequality in Taiwan: Son Preference Revisited http://homepage.ntu.edu.tw/~khsu/mobile/sibling.pdf
  36. ^ Family size and children’s education in Vietnam Truong Si Anh, John Knodel, David Lam, Jed Friedman http://link.springer.com/article/10.2307/3004027
  37. ^ Does Money Matter? The Effect of Private Educational Expenditures on Academic Performance by Changhui Kang http://www.fas.nus.edu.sg/ecs/pub/wp/wp0704.pdf
  38. ^ Gender, sibling order, and differences in the quantity and quality of educational attainment: Evidence using Japanese twin data October 3, 2013 Tien Manh Vu† Ph.D Candidate, Osaka School of International Public Policy Hisakazu Matsushige Professor, Osaka School of International Public Policy http://www.osipp.osaka-u.ac.jp/archives/DP/2013/DP2013E007.pdf
  39. ^ Determinants of educational participation and gender differences in education in six Arab countries Jeroen Smits Janine Huisman www.ru.nl/publish/pages/516298/nice_12102.pdf
  40. ^ Family background and context effects on educational participation www.ru.nl/publish/pages/516298/nice_07106.pdf
  41. ^ Gender Differences in Schooling Attainment: The Role of Sibling Characteristics and Birth Order Effects Diane M. Dancer and Anu Rammohan http://econpapers.repec.org/paper/sydwpaper/2123_2f7643.htm
  42. ^ Child schooling and child labour: evidence from Egypt http://www.erf.org.eg/CMS/uploads/pdf/9916%20.pdf
  43. ^ Birth Order, Eminence and Higher Education Stanley Schachter Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2089913
  44. ^ Birth order and educational achievement in adolescence and young adulthood David M. Fergusson L. John Horwood Joseph M. Boden http://www.otago.ac.nz/christchurch/otago014903.pdf
  45. ^ Crown Princes and Benjamins: Birth Order and Educational Attainment in East and West Germany Martina Eschelbach http://www.lsw.wiso.uni-erlangen.de/BGPE/texte/DP/085_eschelbach.pdf
  46. ^ The Changing Relationship Between Family Size and Educational Attainment Over the Course of Socioeconomic Development: Evidence From Indonesia VIDA MARALANI http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2831397/
  47. ^ Human Capital and Fertility in Chinese Clans, 1300–1850 Carol H. Shiue March 2008 http://www.mcgill.ca/files/economics/shiue.pdf
  48. ^ Testing Todd: global data on family characteristics, Auke Rijpma and Sarah Carmichael, Utrecht University http://vkc.library.uu.nl/vkc/seh/Lists/Events/Attachments/33/carmichaelrijpma_testing.pdf
  49. ^ Ethnographic Atlas XXXI: Peoples of Easternmost Europe Author(s): Dmitri Bondarenko, Alexander Kazankov, Daria Khaltourina, Andrey Korotayev Source: Ethnology, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Summer, 2005), pp. 261–289 Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3774059
  50. ^ Death and the Ancestors: A Study of the Mortuary Customs of the LoDagaa of … Written By Jack Goody http://books.google.es/books?id=2ff7AQAAQBAJ&pg=PT367&lpg=PT367&dq=%22Jack+Goody%22+%22senior+right%22+%22junior+right%22&source=bl&ots=0sBQM69ICw&sig=tDWTAiDRwb-gLZ5uH7uP5_dfc8M&hl=es&sa=X&ei=qXKgUqP1NaOt7QaKpoHAAg&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Jack%20Goody%22%20%22senior%20right%22%20%22junior%20right%22&f=false
  51. ^ Peasant Inheritance Strategies in Russia Rodney D. Bohac The Journal of Interdisciplinary History Vol. 16, No. 1 (Summer, 1985), pp. 23–42 Published by: The MIT Press Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/204320
  52. ^ http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Minorat
  53. ^ a b Chapter 2 Village Communities in Russia http://www.efm.bris.ac.uk/het/laveleye/prim02.htm
  54. ^ Four Household Systems and the Lives of the Old in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Hungary Rudolf Andorka http://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft096n99tf&chunk.id=d0e8378&toc.id=d0e8378&brand=ucpress
  55. ^ Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age written by David I. Kertzer,Peter Laslett http://books.google.es/books?id=EdjcDFEGClcC&pg=PA136&lpg=PA136&dq=%22Hungary%22+%22inheritance+customs%22&source=bl&ots=e9m9A-RCRM&sig=a5ENgKmoEbTy_fTXlQGB8Br4Gv0&hl=es&sa=X&ei=lUJiUf-mHZCshQeA2IHICA&ved=0CEoQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=%22Hungary%22%20%22inheritance%20customs%22&f=false
  56. ^ The transmission of land and marriage strategies in a Hungarian region (Torna county) in the 19th century. Pozsgai, Péter (Corvinus University Budapest, Hungary) http://www.ub.edu/tig/GWBNet/MinhoPapers/Pozsgai_paper_A34_Minho.pdf
  57. ^ Aiding and aging: the coming crisis in support for the elderly by kin and state Written by John M. Mogey,László Cseh-Szombathy http://books.google.es/books?id=IpH9Vn6HY0sC&pg=PA11&lpg=PA11&dq=%22Hungary%22+%22partible+inheritance%22&source=bl&ots=YMsnu5AhRw&sig=xTGjkOt6qpGtLebZBfv4sJkKQ40&hl=es&sa=X&ei=tAZbUdHoI_Ky7AaVvoDgBw&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Hungary%22%20%22partible%20inheritance%22&f=false
  58. ^ Regulating Bodies: Everyday Crime and Popular Resistance in Communist ... Written by por Karl William Brown http://books.google.es/books?id=RMQLxXnBD3IC&pg=PA167&lpg=PA167&dq=%22Hungary%22+%22partible+inheritance%22&source=bl&ots=08MvK1hR_L&sig=pfJYCBmGEwsvRYv__e-Bqu16LoE&hl=es&sa=X&ei=tAZbUdHoI_Ky7AaVvoDgBw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Hungary%22%20%22partible%20inheritance%22&f=false
  59. ^ The Development of the Economies of Continental Europe 1850–1914 (Routledge ... Written by Alan Milward http://books.google.es/books?id=lIjtzt5CGxEC&pg=PA289&lpg=PA289&dq=%22Hungary%22+%22partible+inheritance%22&source=bl&ots=iXYal3MaIQ&sig=xDFVeqCfXVz0h2oPepQELP67O1g&hl=es&sa=X&ei=tAZbUdHoI_Ky7AaVvoDgBw&ved=0CHsQ6AEwCQ#v=onepage&q=%22Hungary%22%20%22partible%20inheritance%22&f=false
  60. ^ Albania: Family, Society and Culture in the 20th Century edited by Andreas Hemming,Gentiana Kera,Enriketa Pandelejmoni http://books.google.es/books?id=HfpTqhlsCtMC&pg=PA71&lpg=PA71&dq=%22The+elders+or+the+head+of+household+divided+the+property%22&source=bl&ots=UBGp91eAZ2&sig=6Q9k6XtL_SrUhyvF8rCF_CnBTzk&hl=es&sa=X&ei=0liXUpi4J9PX7AbR64G4Bw&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20elders%20or%20the%20head%20of%20household%20divided%20the%20property%22&f=false
  61. ^ Marriage Strategies and Sequels: Prosperity or Conflict between Relatives (Romania, 18th century) Constanţa Vintilă-Ghiţulescu “Nicolae Iorga” Institute of History, Bucharest Faculty of Literature, Department of European Studies, University of Bucharest http://www.ub.edu/tig/GWBNet/MinhoPapers/Constanta%20Ghitulescu.pdf
  62. ^ Household and Family in the Balkans: Two Decades of Historical Family Research written by Karl Kaser http://books.google.es/books?id=zjmzQnrfFmQC&pg=PA181&lpg=PA181&dq=%22Male+domination%22+%22inheritance%22+%22family%22+%22Eastern+EUrope%22&source=bl&ots=RTzqJ-xTy_&sig=kUY8L5E7U5PK3phBIOH5wyjmZNA&hl=es&sa=X&ei=TAxbUfreGtPA7AbF64H4Cg&ved=0CHYQ6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=%22Male%20domination%22%20%22inheritance%22%20%22family%22%20%22Eastern%20EUrope%22&f=false
  63. ^ Peasant Inheritance Strategies in Russia http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/204320?uid=3737952&uid=2&uid=4&sid=21101837948093
  64. ^ CHRISTINE WOROBEC Customary Law and Property Devolution among Russian Peasants in the 1870s https://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/csparxiv/members/Issues/1984_26_2_3/1984_26_2_3_220_Worobec.pdf
  65. ^ Family Forms in Historic Europe written by Richard, Wall,Jean Robin,Peter Laslett http://books.google.es/books?id=DvQ8AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq=%22A+large+family:+the+peasant's+greatest+wealth%22&source=bl&ots=ql9C_lwLYq&sig=B26CAYyf046CHLeq54oIRspNGuA&hl=es&sa=X&ei=U_5vUev5JISKhQfOioDYCA&ved=0CEYQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=%22A%20large%20family%3A%20the%20peasant's%20greatest%20wealth%22&f=false
  66. ^ THE RUSSIAN POST-EMANCIPATION HOUSEHOLD TWO VILLAGES IN THE MOSCOW AREA Herdis Kolle HovudoppgÂve i historie Historisk institutt Bergen 1995 https://bora.uib.no/bitstream/handle/1956/1203/Hovedoppgave-kolle.pdf?sequence=1
  67. ^ CUSTOM AND LAW IN MARRIAGE AND FAMILY RELATIONS AMONG RUSSIAN PEASANTS DURING THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY S.S. Kryukova http://www.jlp.bham.ac.uk/volumes/46/kryukova-art.pdf
  68. ^ Patriarchy on Trial: Suicide, Discipline, and Governance in Imperial Russia* Susan Morrissey University College London http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/13003/1/13003.pdf
  69. ^ Miroslav Svirčević Balkanološki institut SANU THE LEGAL STRUCTURE OF HOUSEHOLDS IN SERBIA AND BULGARIA IN THE 19TH CENTURY http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0350-7653/2003/0350-76530334285S.pdf
  70. ^ Power and inheritance Male domination, property, and family in eastern Europe, 1500–1900 http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1016/S1081-602X%2802%2900109-4?journalCode=rhof20#.UX_buqKeOSo
  71. ^ Families and mountains in the Balkans Christian and Muslim household structures in the Rhodopes, 19th–20th century Ulf Brunnbauer http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1016/S1081-602X%2802%2900107-0?journalCode=rhof20#.UbjuzudM-So
  72. ^ Land Fragmentation in Bulgaria: Reconsidering Its Measurement and Extent Natalia Boliari http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/res/article/view/22301
  73. ^ David Robichaux: Sistemas familiares en culturas subalternas de América Latina: una propuesta conceptual y un bosquejo preliminar
  74. ^ Familia y parentesco en México y Mesoamérica: unas miradas antropológicas editado por David Robichaux http://books.google.es/books?id=ATDU1kY6ttkC&pg=PA196&lpg=PA196&dq=%22A+diferencia+de+la+residencia,+de+la+cual+abundan%22&source=bl&ots=sEuz13Gfka&sig=oDuDeI4eAChfVd6WxIP6reUydng&hl=es&sa=X&ei=9eh7UYrWHdK1hAego4DQDA&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22A%20diferencia%20de%20la%20residencia%2C%20de%20la%20cual%20abundan%22&f=false
  75. ^ Familia y parentesco en México y Mesoamérica: unas miradas antropológicas editado por David Robichaux http://books.google.es/books?id=ATDU1kY6ttkC&pg=PA250&lpg=PA250&dq=%22Tlaxcala%22+%22hijo+mayor%22+%22herencia%22&source=bl&ots=sEuy3-Imjb&sig=-h_j0_UMXGjUADibZc2fAVrDn_w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=OCJvUZ_ONNSChQe-mYCoDg&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Tlaxcala%22%20%22hijo%20mayor%22%20%22herencia%22&f=false
  76. ^ FAMILIA Y PARENTESCO EN MÉXICO Y MESOAMÉRICA. UNAS MIRADAS ANTROPOLÓGICAS Sobre el libro de David Robichaux1
  77. ^ EL NUEVO MARCO DE RELACIONES INTERGENERACIONALES LUIS ALBERTO DEL REY POVEDA* El nuevo marco de relaciones intergeneracionales en las familias ejidales: migración y herencia en el sur de Veracruz http://www.pa.gob.mx/publica/rev_28/luis%20alberto%20del%20rey.pdf
  78. ^ El destino de la tierra en las ex-repúblicas de indios: tenencia y herencia en el área cultural mesoamericano. Robichaux, David Posgrado en Antropología Social Universidad Iberoamericana, México, D.F.
  79. ^ THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN SLOVENE AGRICULTURE SINCE FEUDALISM hrcak.srce.hr/file/29517
  80. ^ a b The transmission of well- being, marriage and inheritance – Siblings and family property in 18th and 19th century Finland and Sweden Beatrice Moring University of Cambridge http://www.ub.edu/tig/GWBNet/MinhoPapers/Beatrice%20Moring.pdf
  81. ^ a b Middleborns Disadvantaged? Testing Birth-Order Effects on Fitness in Pre-Industrial Finns http://www.plosone.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0005680
  82. ^ a b Are elder siblings helpers or competitors? Antagonistic fitness effects of sibling interactions in humans http://rspb.royalsocietypublishing.org/content/280/1750/20122313.full.pdf+html
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  85. ^ The Dynamics of the Finnish Migration to America and the Development of Emigration Databases http://www.migrationinstitute.fi/articles/067_Heikkila-Uschanov.pdf
  86. ^ a b Kaukiainen, Yrjö. 1987. "Population growth and land availability in southeast Finland 1750-1840"
  87. ^ Buddhist Western Himalaya: A Politico-Religious History Written By Omacanda Hāṇḍā http://books.google.es/books?id=R4VuovXa5YUC&pg=PA113&lpg=PA113&dq=%22The+king+also+ensured+that+the+precious+agricultural%22&source=bl&ots=IbHPdrNV0U&sig=kYorD-m7lTkYS8ZCRIfpPyFUzYQ&hl=es&sa=X&ei=hb93UbKIE4iShge-84Bg&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20king%20also%20ensured%20that%20the%20precious%20agricultural%22&f=false
  88. ^ a b Why Polyandry Fails: Sources of Instability in Polyandrous Marriages Nancy E. Levine; Joan B. Silk http://www.case.edu/affil/tibet/tibetanSociety/documents/02.pdf
  89. ^ Tibetan Fraternal Polyandry: A Review of its Advantages and Breakdown Jeff Willet http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1112&context=nebanthro
  90. ^ When Brothers Share a Wife http://anthropologyman.com/files/15_When_Brothers_Share_a_Wife.pdf
  91. ^ Tibet: The Country and Its Inhabitants Written by Fernand Grenard http://books.google.es/books?id=cwTBgOI2-CkC&pg=PA184&lpg=PA184&dq=%22Tibetan+custom%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=DjE_2mttXq&sig=VRux2tYp67UOZsPlu1IMq2eIphQ&hl=es&sa=X&ei=IKNbUcaQH_Oe7Abh2oHQDQ&ved=0CEUQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22Tibetan%20custom%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  92. ^ Solidarity written by K. Bayertz http://books.google.es/books?id=RQBHJMDuGLEC&pg=PA160&lpg=PA160&dq=%22Tibet%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=Qv7XIAPUaq&sig=sFsQeNxesAXK3HaTc6iKPik87M0&hl=es&sa=X&ei=x6NbUeWEIueV7AakhIDgCQ&ved=0CF8Q6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Tibet%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  93. ^ The Oriental, the Ancient and the Primitive: Systems of Marriage the Family in the Pre-Industrial Societies of Eurasia Written by Jack Goody http://books.google.es/books?id=Tdgos7fWazIC&pg=PA139&lpg=PA139&dq=%22Tibet%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=MGE6MPwqFH&sig=T6MSpWq7rN7G7EIdVuHJ-iYgTpk&hl=es&sa=X&ei=x6NbUeWEIueV7AakhIDgCQ&ved=0CGcQ6AEwCA#v=onepage&q=%22Tibet%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  94. ^ Polyandry and population growth in a historical Tibetan society Geoff Childs http://www.case.edu/affil/tibet/booksAndPapers/childs.polyandry.and.population.growth.pdf
  95. ^ http://www.artsci.wustl.edu/~gchilds/publications/articles/G.Childs%20Migration%20as%20Process.pdf
  96. ^ http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/contributions/pdf/CNAS_20_02_03.pdf
  97. ^ http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/ancientnepal/pdf/ancient_nepal_134_06.pdf
  98. ^ In a Tibetan Village http://www.tibetanhistory.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Ramble-Status-and-death.pdf
  99. ^ Tibetan Buddhism Monasticism http://www.case.edu/affil/tibet/booksAndPapers/buddhistmonasticism.PDF
  100. ^ a b Is Tibetan polyandry adaptive? Methodological and metatheoretical Analyses Eric Alden Smith University of Washington http://faculty.washington.edu/easmith/Polyandry-HN1998.pdf
  101. ^ Divinity and Experience : The Religion of the Dinka: The Religion of the Dinka written by por Godfrey Lienhardt http://books.google.es/books?id=z7Y4X9kHeU8C&pg=PA82&lpg=PA82&dq=%22Dinka%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=L3OMcEbbbr&sig=aU42PQbNx2MLvYnAPaKRpkmXg6Q&hl=es&sa=X&ei=QwxoUeaKI4PJhAfTkYGIBA&ved=0CDwQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Dinka%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  102. ^ Human Rights, Southern Voices: Francis Deng, Abdullahi An-Na'im, Yash Ghai … Written by William Twining http://books.google.es/books?id=WTBZTNPLOGEC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48&dq=%22Dinka%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=zmOuA059Kq&sig=vez_nFXpVLArTC32aiLNEXiE7II&hl=es&sa=X&ei=dHl6UaebHdPb7AbR54HwBQ&ved=0CEcQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=%22Dinka%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  103. ^ a b Customary Law in the Modern World: The Crossfire of Sudan's War of Identities Written By Francis Deng http://books.google.es/books?id=AcRfaVfD3i8C&pg=PA122&lpg=PA122&dq=%22Dinka%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=77JFYXlbVa&sig=jBoRZMsEVa9nCAFAPIPTryrC_1w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=xsYcUpKJOIiv7Aa7r4HQBg&ved=0CE0Q6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Dinka%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  104. ^ a b Customary Law In The Cross Fire Of Sudan’s War Of Identities By Francis M. Deng http://s4rsa.wikispaces.com/file/view/Customary+Law+in+the+Cross+fire.doc
  105. ^ http://www.arakanmusic.com/books/hill_tribes_of_nothern_aracan.pdf
  106. ^ System, Structure, and Contradiction: The Evolution of "Asiatic" Social … http://books.google.es/books?id=c8Ys-px62PEC&pg=PA247&lpg=PA247&dq=%22Chin%22+%22ultimogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=DAxtI_xe9t&sig=nP58qFww9b0t192K9uMb3jCgbZw&hl=es&sa=X&ei=L-xvUa2TJoW1hAfCsoAg&ved=0CEEQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=%22Chin%22%20%22ultimogeniture%22&f=false
  107. ^ Serfs, Peasants and Socialists: A Former Serf Village in the Republic of Guinea Written By Derman, William http://books.google.es/books?id=Wr745AMRf2gC&pg=PA80&lpg=PA80&dq=%22Guinea%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=x0obAtEgoM&sig=HpQROp4m_4CavbH7OnP14YXPSjY&hl=es&sa=X&ei=LriQUcugOdKxhAfcsoH4AQ&ved=0CDgQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Guinea%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  108. ^ A new voyage to Guinea: describing the customs, manners, soil, manual arts … Written By William Smith (surveyor.) http://books.google.es/books?id=okpWAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA202&lpg=PA202&dq=%22Guinea%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=O0TiTBEoWB&sig=eMUvltJg3oUUGUiLpJSU974qZdk&hl=es&sa=X&ei=I0aMUuDhHY_xhQen94DQBQ&ved=0CD4Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22Guinea%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  109. ^ Thailand Inheritance and Succession Bhassorn Limanonda, in The Stem Family in Eurasian Perspective: Revisiting House Societies, 17th … Written By Antoinette Fauve-chamoux,Emiko Ochiai http://books.google.es/books?id=kcJkkBG8FygC&pg=PA470&lpg=PA470&dq=%22Thailand%22+%22succession+and+transfer+of+inheritance%22&source=bl&ots=BMkh9oNG3u&sig=2bznfslVcTQra8y30030Sullwqo&hl=es&sa=X&ei=LNh_UbTVD6au7AarkoGwAg&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Thailand%22%20%22succession%20and%20transfer%20of%20inheritance%22&f=false
  110. ^ Thailand: Buddhism, Society, and Women Written By Alexandra Kapur-Fic http://books.google.es/books?id=kaBW8Ao-18oC&pg=PA73&lpg=PA73&dq=%22Citing+the+examples+from+a+Chiang+Mai+village%22&source=bl&ots=uSJVPITciY&sig=Kuhxlszf3pzgRP8NtFs2-YNJESM&hl=es&sa=X&ei=aH2EUd7tFdKLhQfd1oCAAQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Citing%20the%20examples%20from%20a%20Chiang%20Mai%20village%22&f=false
  111. ^ Anthropological Demography: Toward a New Synthesis Written By David I. Kertzer,Thomas Earl Fricke http://books.google.es/books?id=NTk-o1tn6CwC&pg=PA62&lpg=PA62&dq=%22Thailand%22+%22youngest+daughter%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=sX09kc4BO3&sig=odB9m65LHLc_q38f2KIJWqlJbLM&hl=es&sa=X&ei=r36EUZSoC4yFhQe7wIGQBQ&ved=0CFcQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Thailand%22%20%22youngest%20daughter%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  112. ^ Did Ancient Romans Love Their Children? Infanticide in Ancient Rome By Mindy Nichols https://www.wou.edu/las/socsci/history/thesis%2008/MindyNicholsThesis.pdf
  113. ^ Brothers: On His Brothers and Brothers in History Written By George Howe Colt http://books.google.es/books?id=h2DgQ--NqMMC&pg=PA56&lpg=PA56&dq=%22Differential+treatment+of+siblings+according+to+birth+order%22&source=bl&ots=2hlakJS8H3&sig=6hCEDYgE0BtPi6Wa2f9-FxB5BZ0&hl=es&sa=X&ei=NtvfUt33DZSthQfemYCoAQ&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Differential%20treatment%20of%20siblings%20according%20to%20birth%20order%22&f=false
  114. ^ Fate and Fortune in Rural China: Social organization and population behavior in Liaoning, 1774–1873. James Z. Lee, Cameron D. Campbell http://books.google.es/books?id=-pybannCO7wC&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq=%22Fate+and+fortune+in+rural+china%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=njf8MWFdG3&sig=Z6fZK4h-XYvbupjWupv7CucBuU8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=9TpaUdLxAuKN7QaO-oGoBQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Fate%20and%20fortune%20in%20rural%20china%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  115. ^ The Salt Merchants of Tianjin: State Making and Civil Society in Late … Written by Kwan Man Bun http://books.google.es/books?id=sJ4s72IHh4sC&pg=PA172&lpg=PA172&dq=%22China%22+%22firstborn%22+%22extra+share%22&source=bl&ots=ATnA1JC8-Y&sig=BIzgWM8j3iu7JdYhTkHnzdeTb2s&hl=es&sa=X&ei=4aZ5UaWzEIWK7AasvYGQAQ&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22China%22%20%22firstborn%22%20%22extra%20share%22&f=false
  116. ^ The Chinese: A General Description of the Empire of China and Its …, Volumen 1 Written By John F. Davis http://books.google.es/books?id=9g5BAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA284&lpg=PA284&dq=%22China%22+double+portion%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=asDBKrgHNx&sig=XZfQFVx6z1xkJtkATTZmafhq_9U&hl=es&sa=X&ei=EiOrUemQNIWB7QajroCACg&ved=0CD8Q6AEwAjgU#v=onepage&q=%22China%22%20double%20portion%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  117. ^ Revisiting the Issues Regarding the Inheritance System in the Chinese Family Business Yu-Hsu Sean Hsu and Connie Chang http://www.wbiworldconpro.com/uploads/bangkok-conference-2013/management/1364451871_422-Yu-Hsu.pdf
  118. ^ Nested Political Coalitions: Nation, Regime, Program, Cabinet Written By Terrence E. Cook http://books.google.es/books?id=rV6OHa0a7HsC&pg=PA118&lpg=PA118&dq=%22Qin+Dynasty%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=cwJQKKXyWT&sig=viYB5QL8UCoreanfBrhY0j0N0XE&hl=es&sa=X&ei=i8K4UtLvOqem0QXRzIEg&ved=0CDUQ6AEwATgK#v=onepage&q=%22Qin%20Dynasty%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  119. ^ The Earth and Its Peoples. Written By Richard Bulliet,Pamela Kyle Crossley,Daniel R. Headrick,Steven W. Hirsch,Lyman L. Johnson,David Northrup http://books.google.es/books?id=-T4FAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA165&lpg=PA165&dq=%22Qin+Dynasty%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=YCGLgygT-1&sig=1ZJKtkK-QqaUzsGRucEf5r3T9es&hl=es&sa=X&ei=i8K4UtLvOqem0QXRzIEg&ved=0CGMQ6AEwCDgK#v=onepage&q=%22Qin%20Dynasty%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  120. ^ China's Geography: Globalization and the Dynamics of Political, Economic ... Written By Gregory Veeck,Clifton W. Pannell,Christopher J. Smith,Youqin Huang http://books.google.es/books?id=K3XdB5o4VFAC&pg=PA64&lpg=PA64&dq=%22Han+Dynasty%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=cR97bK8vKU&sig=2keiQLLiUk6wX52usquqRdCu9bI&hl=es&sa=X&ei=M8a4UtC9L4aK0AWS-4HoDQ&ved=0CDYQ6AEwATgK#v=onepage&q=%22Han%20Dynasty%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  121. ^ Fenjia: household division and inheritance in Qing and Republican China Written By David Wakefield http://books.google.es/books?id=o2c26kQGZIIC&pg=PA156&lpg=PA156&dq=%22China%22+%22eldest+grandson%22+%22share%22&source=bl&ots=0R77EOs23u&sig=AQtUnR4bYt_1_hRN-yeHkLKy1Pw&hl=es&sa=X&ei=xaV5UdfXH6SJ7Aay14GwBg&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22China%22%20%22eldest%20grandson%22%20%22share%22&f=false
  122. ^ Kinship, Contract, Community, And State: Anthropological Perspectives On China Written by Myron L. Cohen http://books.google.es/books?id=sBBbfCx3gzwC&pg=PA165&lpg=PA165&dq=%22north+china%22+%22lineage%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=rYGtnhU6M5&sig=GIplWa5ykYaE7qZV8XP9DolOU1U&hl=es&sa=X&ei=lzx_UauLCc2KOLfUgegF&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22north%20china%22%20%22lineage%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  123. ^ Archaeological Thought in America edited by C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky http://books.google.es/books?id=uc3ZokKnaQYC&pg=PA160&lpg=PA160&dq=%22Three+dynasties%22+%22China%22+%22conical+clan%22&source=bl&ots=W6dN0PZp5N&sig=8A07lLbITcpTnUf42ot2s0HNIwM&hl=es&sa=X&ei=-UWwUqWRHMbR0QXRlYHAAg&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Three%20dynasties%22%20%22China%22%20%22conical%20clan%22&f=false
  124. ^ China: Ancient Culture, Modern Land edited by Robert E. Murowchick http://books.google.es/books?id=tO42ZlxKf4cC&pg=PA65&lpg=PA65&dq=%22Longshan+people%22+%22male+primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=1ot2Icb86r&sig=leWF7vg0XOIFQWV6rL_4rGxYn8w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=9HmwUu7zBaH8ygO184HQBw&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Longshan%20people%22%20%22male%20primogeniture%22&f=false
  125. ^ Understanding Early Civilizations: A Comparative Study Written By Bruce G. Trigger http://books.google.es/books?id=ZEX-yZOAG9IC&pg=PA168&lpg=PA168&dq=%22Shang%22+%22elder+brothers%22+%22younger+brothers%22&source=bl&ots=x3Ub3ma8g4&sig=_f05twT2qPaGg7VV6QoXttgzJc8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=RR2sUvq8JZGM7Abt74Aw&ved=0CD0Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Shang%22%20%22elder%20brothers%22%20%22younger%20brothers%22&f=false
  126. ^ Ancestral Memory in Early China Written By K. E. Brashier http://books.google.es/books?id=aJAMLt5NYAQC&pg=PA71&lpg=PA71&dq=%22The+White+tiger+hall+discussion+is+here%22&source=bl&ots=_v909EbDMK&sig=eOK5lPHbTo7DSSNLqHstF1mHAEg&hl=es&sa=X&ei=i6E8UpziCIbR7AatzoDwBQ&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20White%20tiger%20hall%20discussion%20is%20here%22&f=false
  127. ^ TAO, HSI-SHENG. Marriage and Family, Shanghai. 1934
  128. ^ The LÎ KÎ (THE BOOK OF RITES) http://www.sacred-texts.com/cfu/liki/
  129. ^ Cuisenier (1975:67)
  130. ^ Krader (1963:322, 269)
  131. ^ a b Kinship Structure and Political Authority: The Middle East and central Asia Charles Lindholm http://psychologie.dev.czu.cz/stred-asie/html/CD/stredni_asie/Kinship%20Structure%20and%20Political%20Authority-The%20Middle%20East%20an.pdf
  132. ^ THE INFLUENCE OF THE GREAT CODE “YASA” ON THE MONGOLIAN EMPIRE http://www.mypolice.ca/research_and_publications/MongolianLawCodeYasa.htm
  133. ^ Studies in biblical law [electronic resource]: from the Hebrew Bible to the … Written By Gershon Brin http://books.google.es/books?id=z_iMdqTr-iMC&pg=PA238&lpg=PA238&dq=%22It+follows+from+the+biblical+law+in+deut%22&source=bl&ots=qt6iQoEwaU&sig=4xNlGWPb2SJ_41qav37VlQycDPQ&hl=es&sa=X&ei=yn6uUZjDH-nd7QbD2YGQBw&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22It%20follows%20from%20the%20biblical%20law%20in%20deut%22&f=false
  134. ^ Studies in biblical law [electronic resource]: from the Hebrew Bible to the … Written By Gershon Brin http://books.google.es/books?id=z_iMdqTr-iMC&pg=PA245&lpg=PA245&dq=%22Other+approaches+regarding+the+extra+share%22&source=bl&ots=qt6iOiJueT&sig=QDto5EoWuhHurXX9f7EmHZ3DPXU&hl=es&sa=X&ei=EZqqUdVcscfsBv_-gUg&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Other%20approaches%20regarding%20the%20extra%20share%22&f=false
  135. ^ Daily life in ancient Mesopotamia Written By Karen Rhea Nemet Nejat http://books.google.es/books?id=lbmXsaTGNKUC&pg=PA147&lpg=PA147&dq=%22Each+city+followed+different+customs+concerning+inheritance%22&source=bl&ots=ds5Q2lLWup&sig=b7JoreKjTLgACFzU8FlYJsCjYv4&hl=es&sa=X&ei=2ZWMUZy6C8mJhQeHpYG4Bw&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Each%20city%20followed%20different%20customs%20concerning%20inheritance%22&f=false
  136. ^ Jacob’s Wealth: An Examination Into the Nature and Role of Material … Written By Paul Vrolijk http://books.google.es/books?id=Vf-DgELK3iMC&pg=PA49&lpg=PA49&dq=%22Assyria%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inheritance%22&source=bl&ots=q2-E4X58fX&sig=27kwpmunlzUmApt5LS9zAI9bsCY&hl=es&sa=X&ei=23aWUe_yOMif7AaHvIGYCg&ved=0CFIQ6AEwBDgK#v=onepage&q=%22Assyria%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inheritance%22&f=false
  137. ^ Approaches to Akkadian Name-Giving in First-Millennium Mesopotamiax BC Heatber D. Baker – Helsinki http://www.academia.edu/284597/Baker_H.D._2002._Approaches_to_Akkadian_Name-Giving_in_First-Millennium_BC_Mesopotamia
  138. ^ The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives: The Quest for the Historical … Written By Thomas L. Thompson http://books.google.es/books?id=lwrzapZYqFAC&pg=PA276&lpg=PA276&dq=%22Ugarit%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22double+share%22&source=bl&ots=lLaLvYgIF7&sig=sWEH8ozT-iSxLXq-6ZUfIIcD58s&hl=es&sa=X&ei=x5aMUYTLOMyGhQeJtIDwCQ&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Ugarit%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22double%20share%22&f=false
  139. ^ The Invention of Enterprise: Entrepreneurship from Ancient Mesopotamia to … Edited By David S. Landes,Joel Mokyr,William J. Baumol http://books.google.es/books?id=6rw1fxYalfUC&pg=PA59&lpg=PA59&dq=%22Ugarit%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22double+share%22&source=bl&ots=42fLUE1A8J&sig=8zAYxACOyAIxuhhh79I1T9skXlE&hl=es&sa=X&ei=dZeMUfCXN8XOhAeT5IHgDw&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Ugarit%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22double%20share%22&f=false
  140. ^ Birth Order and Political Behavior Written By Albert Somit,Alan Arwine,Steven Ames Peterson http://books.google.es/books?id=6rw1fxYalfUC&pg=PA59&lpg=PA59&dq=%22Ugarit%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22double+share%22&source=bl&ots=42fLUE1A8J&sig=8zAYxACOyAIxuhhh79I1T9skXlE&hl=es&sa=X&ei=dZeMUfCXN8XOhAeT5IHgDw&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Ugarit%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22double%20share%22&f=false
  141. ^ Everyday Law in Biblical Israel: An Introduction Written By Raymond Westbrook,Bruce Wells, Ph.D. http://books.google.es/books?id=oLGfWXZuSMYC&pg=PA23&lpg=PA23&dq=%22Babylon%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22extra+portion%22&source=bl&ots=lgliHQt-ct&sig=6rfe1kZ1yoSVvi-jPuKwgq7drCo&hl=es&sa=X&ei=Dp2MUbmgE4aohAfWvoGgBQ&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Babylon%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22extra%20portion%22&f=false
  142. ^ The Political Economy of an African Society in Transformation: The Case of … Written By Tesema Ta'a http://books.google.es/books?id=_XwN2JdMYM4C&pg=PA37&lpg=PA37&dq=%22Oromo%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=WFSyExDbyi&sig=lnB64Pa_mAq9_rK3GH-Vc8eLTuA&hl=es&sa=X&ei=hWz7Ub6-DKiO7QaKnYG4Ag&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Oromo%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  143. ^ Booran (Ethiopia, Kenya) written by Gemetchu Megerssa http://books.google.es/books?id=Pvy-jTk8DAQC&pg=PA15&lpg=PA15&dq=%22The+traditional+oromo+society+used+a+complex+system%22&source=bl&ots=-ZMVL_pP0e&sig=54ZvjM3mokmJ_1V_41HYeesuV5M&hl=es&sa=X&ei=xgWDUYKPBoO5hAewnIGoBQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20traditional%20oromo%20society%20used%20a%20complex%20system%22&f=false
  144. ^ GENDER AND CULTURE IN SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS OF GUJI-OROMO WOMEN’S CUSTOMARY RIGHTS Dejene N. DEBSU Department of Anthropology, Miami University http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/30-1/DEBSU.pdf
  145. ^ STUDY ON WOMEN’S PROPERTY RIGHTS IN AFAR AND OROMIYA REGIONS, ETHIOPIA http://edu.care.org/Documents/Women%20property%20rights%20in%20Oromiya%20and%20AFar.pdf
  146. ^ Journal of Oromo studies http://www.oromostudies.org/josfiles/JOS%20VOlume%2011%20Numbers%201&2%20(2004).pdf
  147. ^ Abstract: Contested Land rights: Oromo Peasants Struggle for Livelihood in Ethiopia http://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/153/thesis.pdf?sequence=1
  148. ^ Title: Land tenure and agriculture in Sayyoo-Afillo, Western Wallaga, Ethiopia, 1880–1974 Author(s): Ayana, Daniel http://hdl.handle.net/2142/20684
  149. ^ The Laws of Manu edited by F. Max Muller http://books.google.es/books?id=rmLJtLYnKY0C&pg=PT205&lpg=PT205&dq=%22the+eldest+alone+may+take+the+whole+paternal+estate%22&source=bl&ots=Y0FZGTBcHb&sig=8oJaVtkPg7BlMMeyGZyjmBaVWNo&hl=es&sa=X&ei=WoygUo3RBKHH7AaThoGwAg&ved=0CDsQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22the%20eldest%20alone%20may%20take%20the%20whole%20paternal%20estate%22&f=false
  150. ^ http://210.212.115.113:81/N.Shrivastava/PGDM%202013/IMPORTANT%20LITERATURES/INTRODUCTORY%20LECTURE%20ON%20LAW.pdf
  151. ^ Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation Written by Sharma http://books.google.es/books?id=i_sIE1sO5kwC&pg=PA181&lpg=PA181&dq=%22Dharmasutras%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=QulVi3KXNC&sig=wJnUSx3nfJWpGYpkhKouZ8eEoiU&hl=es&sa=X&ei=ydxaUarGL8-V7AaIroHoDw&ved=0CDcQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Dharmasutras%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  152. ^ The sacred laws of the Aryas : as taught in the schools of Apastamba, Gautama, Vasishtha and Baudhayana (1898) http://archive.org/details/sacredlawsofarya00buhliala
  153. ^ North-East India: The Horizon Of Anthropology Written by Khagen Chandra Mahanta http://books.google.es/books?id=_Ydi6Ej5U_gC&pg=PA23&lpg=PA23&dq=%22The+Dharmasutras+and+the+manusamhita%22&source=bl&ots=dDEimFJYwZ&sig=VWEjecZ5KeeQQDizOnkeoCSGN_Y&hl=es&sa=X&ei=L8FoUdLYDYWv7Ab57YDoAw&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20Dharmasutras%20and%20the%20manusamhita%22&f=false
  154. ^ Industrial Families in India: An Enquiry Into the Nature of Their Written by Harnam Singh Verma http://books.google.es/books?id=fdtTJJAw110C&pg=PA131&lpg=PA131&dq=%22Eldest+son+of+the+previous+karta%22&source=bl&ots=NzGPmgouAw&sig=PChEHNnlVvOLSc1-4ZFQQTWKqjM&hl=es&sa=X&ei=dhR8UfWbCYev7AbWq4EI&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Eldest%20son%20of%20the%20previous%20karta%22&f=false
  155. ^ The Indian Family http://www.faculty.fairfield.edu/faculty/hodgson/Courses/so142/India/india.htm
  156. ^ Networks and Kinship: Formal Models of Alliance, Descent and Inheritance in a Pakistani Punjabi Village Stephen M. Lyon, Durham University http://dro.dur.ac.uk/10502/1/10502.pdf?DDD5+dan0sml+dan0sml+dan0sml
  157. ^ J. Nagata Adat in the city: Some perceptions and practices among urban Malays http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv/article/viewfile/1823/2584
  158. ^ 21st Century Cambodia: View and Vision Written By Wim Swann http://books.google.es/books?id=IAbUcEsv-x0C&pg=PA39&lpg=PA39&dq=%22Wim+Swann%22+%22Inheritance%22+%22bilateral%22&source=bl&ots=CS_2JAsEfl&sig=3UcloOSsQPCxHP-G2tvRZn6-Ii0&hl=es&sa=X&ei=SDqEUazGCo_6sga0-IGYAQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Wim%20Swann%22%20%22Inheritance%22%20%22bilateral%22&f=false
  159. ^ a b Fate and Fortune in Rural China: Social Organization and Population Behavior … Written By James Z. Lee,Cameron D. Campbell http://books.google.es/books?id=-pybannCO7wC&pg=PR9&lpg=PR9&dq=%22Domestic+hierarchy+and+demographic+privilege%22&source=bl&ots=njg6NXBaJY&sig=PxXJKJov7zfNCwmovHFk2qlLb38&hl=es&sa=X&ei=8OnVUceLD8jD7AbHz4D4Ag&ved=0CFMQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=%22Domestic%20hierarchy%20and%20demographic%20privilege%22&f=false
  160. ^ Reproductive Life in Nineteenth Century Sweden: An evolutionary Perspective on Demographic Phenomena Bobbi S. Low http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/handle/2027.42/29060/0000093.pdf?sequence=1
  161. ^ PARENTAL AND SIBLING INFLUENCES ON THE TIMING OF MARRIAGE, XVIITH AND XVIIITH CENTURY QUÉBEC Lisa Dillon http://www.cairn.info/resume.php?ID_ARTICLE=ADH_119_0139
  162. ^ Have the poor always been less likely to migrate? Evidence from inheritance practices during the age of mass migration☆ Ran Abramitzky a,b, ⁎, Leah Platt Boustan b,c, Katherine Eriksson http://www.stanford.edu/~ranabr/ABE_Childhood.pdf
  163. ^ Marriage Choices and Class Boundaries: Social Endogamy in History Written By Marco H. D. Van Leeuwen,Ineke Maas,Andrew Miles http://books.google.es/books?id=Kmq_ZvICBnQC&pg=PA43&lpg=PA43&dq=%22Social+homogamy%22+%22Norway%22&source=bl&ots=dMUyJWBUgl&sig=dNYDnOTyald1BEub1mawcTL4d5s&hl=es&sa=X&ei=2XGvUf6bO7CO7QbFiYCwDg&ved=0CEMQ6AEwAQ
  164. ^ Deciding Whom to Marry in a Rural Two-Class Society: Social Homogamy and Constraints in the Marriage Market in Rendalen, Norway, 1750–1900 Hans Henrik Bull http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract;jsessionid=7DF472B2598263EACF04024BA18E5DAF.journals?fromPage=online&aid=364423
  165. ^ Mass Emigration from Denmark to the United States 1868–1914 by Kristian Hvidt http://ej.lib.cbs.dk/index.php/assc/article/download/2754/2788
  166. ^ Flight to America. The Social Background of 300,000 Danish Emigrants by Kristian Hvidt http://www.ebay.com/ctg/Flight-America-Social-Background-300-000-Danish-Emigrants-Kristian-Hvidt-1975-Hardcover-/1352651
  167. ^ Opening Gates to the West: Lithuanian and Jewish Migrations from the Lithuanian Provinces, 1867–1914 Tomas Balkelis University College Dublin http://ces.lt/en/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/EtSt_Balkelis_2010.pdf
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  235. ^ Peasant Marriage in Nineteenth-Century Russia Alexandre A VDEEV *, Alain B LUM ** and Irina T ROITSKAIA * http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/pop_1634-2941_2004_num_59_6_18495
  236. ^ Marriage behaviour in pre-industrial Karelian rural parishes Irina Chernyakova http://rjh.ub.rug.nl/ha/article/download/2091/2083+&hl=es&gl=es&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESinL3p1WJWxCLuWlL3nd7A7QLqpvol8B8gzMjkeS7CYjWv4AktVwso94R5VTuVTZjkJMu8Q7sYVj4afPkH_19I6BXHDf53op4rfuyxaT_RK5cYMjj4ceNhahmoRUZi5yE5prqI5&sig=AHIEtbQWFGDrI6Dja3g_iKBQ57v5588PMQ
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  239. ^ Why Are Indian Children Shorter Than African Children? Seema Jayachandran Northwestern University Rohini Pande Harvard University July 27, 2013 http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/rpande/papers/Indianchildrenheight.pdf
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  241. ^ SELECTIVE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN CHILDHOOD NUTRITION AND IMMUNIZATION IN RURAL INDIA: THE ROLE OF SIBLINGS* ROHINI P. PANDE http://ideas.repec.org/a/spr/demogr/v40y2003i3p395-418.html
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  243. ^ Sex Ratio at Birth in India, Its Relation to Birth Order, Sex of Previous Children and Use of Indigenous Medicine Samiksha Manchanda*, Bedangshu Saikia, Neeraj Gupta, Sona Chowdhary, Jacob M. Puliyel Department of Neonatology and Pediatrics, St Stephen Hospital, Delhi, India http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3115933/pdf/pone.0020097.pdf
  244. ^ Factors Affecting Sex-Selective Abortion In India http://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/handle/10125/3488/NFHSsubjrpt021.pdf?sequence=1
  245. ^ The Link Between Infant Mortality and Child Nutrition in India: Is There any Evidence of Gender Bias? http://users.monash.edu.au/~maitra/JAPE2011MaitraRammohan.pdf
  246. ^ The Puzzle of High Child Malnutrition in South Asia Seema Jayachandran Northwestern University Rohini Pande Harvard University July 2012 http://www.theigc.org/sites/default/files/jayachandran_final_malnutrition_talk.pdf
  247. ^ Missing Girls in India: Infanticide, Feticide and Made-to- Order Pregnancies? Insights from Hospital-Based Sex- Ratio-at-Birth over the Last Century Mohit Sahni1, Neeraj Verma1, D. Narula1, Raji Mathew Varghese1, V. Sreenivas2, Jacob M. Puliyel1* http://www.plosone.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0002224
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  249. ^ Inequity in Childhood Immunization in India: A Systematic Review Joseph L Mathew http://www.indianpediatrics.net/mar2012/mar-203-223.htm
  250. ^ Sibling composition and selective gender-based survival bias Rubiana Chamarbagwala http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs00148-010-0314-z
  251. ^ Selective Discrimination against Female Children in Rural Punjab, India Monica Das Gupta http://www.commonhealth.in/pdf/36.pdf
  252. ^ Nutrition, health, birth order and seasonality: intrahousehold allocation among children in rural India. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12341857
  253. ^ Siblings in South Asia: Brothers and Sisters in Cultural Context, by Charles W. Nuckolls http://tweisner.com/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/Weisner_19938_Sibling_Similarity_Differences_Cultures_F17.231155226.pdf
  254. ^ Fewer births, but a boy at all costs: selective female abortion in Asia Gilles Pison http://www.ined.fr/en/publications/pop_soc/bdd/publication/503/
  255. ^ Effects of gender, birth order, and other correlates on childhood mortality in China. Choe MK, Hao H, Wang F. Source East-West Center Program on Population, Honolulu, Hawaii 96848, USA. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/7481920
  256. ^ Birth Rates and Fertility in China: How Credible are Recent Data? (Population, 4, 1998) Sun Minglei, I. Attané http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/pop_0032-4663_1999_hos_11_1_18514
  257. ^ Infant abandonment and Adoption in China http://www.keallfoundation.com/downloads/infantabandonmentandadoptioninchinasept98.pdf
  258. ^ Son preference and educational opportunities of children in China— “I wish you were a boy!” Wendy Wang http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12147-005-0012-4
  259. ^ Mortality Consequences of the 1959–1961 Great Leap Forward Famine in China: Debilitation, Selection, and Mortality Crossovers Shige Song http://www.escholarship.org/uc/item/92p3c5pf
  260. ^ Has the One-Child Policy Improved Adolescents’ Educational Wellbeing in China? Juhua Yang Population Research and Development Center People’s University of China Haidian District Beijing 100872, P. R. China http://paa2006.princeton.edu/papers/60804
  261. ^ China's One-Child Policy and the Care of Children: An Analysis of Qualitative and Quantitative Data. Social Forces March 1, 2001 | SHORT, SUSAN E.; FENGYING, ZHAI; SIYUAN, XU; MINGLIANG, YANG http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-71885298.html
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  268. ^ Understanding Early Civilizations: A Comparative Study Written By Bruce G. Trigger http://books.google.es/books?id=ZEX-yZOAG9IC&pg=PA149&lpg=PA149&dq=%22strong+emphasis+was+placed+at+all+levels+of+Shang+society%22&source=bl&ots=x3Uacs9bdZ&sig=ZLMQ86h_PBTRGRNNvqAzJTyteGs&hl=es&sa=X&ei=JH6rUvjqAYLQ7AbtroHYDw&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22strong%20emphasis%20was%20placed%20at%20all%20levels%20of%20Shang%20society%22&f=false
  269. ^ Understanding Early Civilizations: A Comparative Study Written By Bruce G. Trigger http://books.google.es/books?id=ZEX-yZOAG9IC&pg=PA168&lpg=PA168&dq=%22Shang%22+%22elder+brothers%22+%22younger+brothers%22&source=bl&ots=x3Ub3ma8g4&sig=_f05twT2qPaGg7VV6QoXttgzJc8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=RR2sUvq8JZGM7Abt74Aw&ved=0CD0Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Shang%22%20%22elder%20brothers%22%20%22younger%20brothers%22&f=false
  270. ^ Human sex-ratio manipulation: Historical data from a german parish Eckart Voland http://www.researchgate.net/publication/229105975_Human_sex-ratio_manipulation_Historical_data_from_a_german_parish
  271. ^ Do Fertility Transitions Influence Infant Mortality Declines? Evidence from Early Modern Germany Alan Fernihough, Mark E. McGovern http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/pgda/WorkingPapers/2013/PGDA_WP_105.pdf
  272. ^ a b The farm family economy in the American North, 1775–1875: an exploration of sibling differences John W. Adams and Alice Bee Kasakoff http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract;jsessionid=D7AA94010ED24A21FB1FC95B40568C52.journals?fromPage=online&aid=1829176
  273. ^ Transformations of Lisu Social Structure Under Opium Control and Watershed Conservation in Northern Thailand by Kathleen A. Gillogly https://evols.library.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/handle/10524/1545/gillogly_dissertation.pdf?sequence=1
  274. ^ Sociobiology, Status, and Parental Investment in Sons and Daughters: Testing the Trivers-Willard hypothesis http://www.ssc.wisc.edu/wlsresearch/pilot/P01-R01_info/aging_mind/Aging_AppA7_Freese_Powell_AJS1999.pdf
  275. ^ Gender preference and transfers from parents to children an inter-regional comparison http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02692171.2012.700702#.U1ddo2J_tAk
  276. ^ Inheritance Laws Across Colonies: Causes and Consequences LEE J. ALSTON AND MORTON OWEN SCHAPIRO http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/eb/alston/econ8534/SectionII/Alston_and_Schapiro,_Inheritance_Laws_Across_Colonies.pdf
  277. ^ “How Ya Gonna Keep ’Em Down on the Farm [When They’ve Seen Schenectady]?: Rural-to-Urban Migration in 19th Century America, 1850-70” Joseph P. Ferrie, Department of Economics and Institute for Policy Research Northwestern University and NBER http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~fe2r/papers/urban.pdf
  278. ^ Socioeconomic status determines sex-dependent survival of human offspring http://emph.oxfordjournals.org/content/2013/1/37.full
  279. ^ Fraternal Birth Order and the Maternal Immune Hypothesis of Male Homosexuality Ray Blanchard 1 Centre for Addiction and Mental Health—Clarke Site, and Department of Psychiatry, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto, 250 College Street, Toronto, Ontario M5T 1R8, Canada http://classes.biology.ucsd.edu/bisp194-1.FA09/Blanchard_2001.pdf
  280. ^ Homosexuality, birth order, and evolution: towards a equilibrium reproductive economics of homosexuality; Edward M. Miller University of New Orleans http://scholarworks.uno.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1018&context=econ_wp&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.es%2Fscholar_url%3Fhl%3Des%26q%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fscholarworks.uno.edu%2Fcgi%2Fviewcontent.cgi%253Farticle%253D1018%2526context%253Decon_wp%26sa%3DX%26scisig%3DAAGBfm2ZvDPlWHkBIiS6bSvSR6R-pkFrwg%26oi%3Dscholarr%26ei%3Du1jQUZSOHsjJOa2sgegI%26ved%3D0CC0QgAMoATAA#search=%22http%3A%2F%2Fscholarworks.uno.edu%2Fcgi%2Fviewcontent.cgi%3Farticle%3D1018%26context%3Decon_wp%22
  281. ^ Ladyboys and Good Sons: Contemporary Mediums and Gender Identity in northern Thailand http://escholarship.org/uc/item/23d2b5d8
  282. ^ Patterns of Sexual Behaviour http://books.google.es/books?id=WgsOAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA139&lpg=PA139&dq=%22Sarombavy%22+%22younger+sons%22&source=bl&ots=D5EnyvoVuD&sig=Zb62pd602FH5Lys2cRtEunGqpa0&hl=es&sa=X&ei=z1nQUeHQMceiO-jhgbgC&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Sarombavy%22%20%22younger%20sons%22&f=false
  283. ^ Birth Order in the Fakafefine options KENNETH J. ZUCKER & RAY BLANCHARD http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00926230390195489#.UdBaHOSIGZ8
  284. ^ Male Sexual Orientation in Independent Samoa: Evidence for Fraternal Birth Order and Maternal Fecundity Effects Doug P. VanderLaan, Paul L. Vasey http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-009-9576-5
  285. ^ Birth order in transgendered males from Polynesia: a quantitative study of Samoan fa'afāfine. Poasa KH, Blanchard R, Zucker KJ. Source Department of Psychology and Professional Counseling, Northwest Christian College, Eugene, Oregon. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/14660290
  286. ^ Birth Order and the Maternal Immune Hypothesis of Male Homosexuality Ray Blanchard http://classes.biology.ucsd.edu/bisp194-1.FA09/Blanchard_2001.pdf
  287. ^ Lancet. 1962 Jan 13;1(7220):69-71. Birth order and maternal age of homosexuals. SLATER E. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/13913808
  288. ^ Birth order and ratio of brothers to sisters in transsexuals. Green R. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/11037086
  289. ^ Parental age and birth order in homosexual patients: a replication of Slater's study. Hare EH, Moran PA. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/427334
  290. ^ Evidence for maternally inherited factors favouring male homosexuality and promoting female fecundity Andrea Camperio-Ciani http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1691850/pdf/15539346.pdf
  291. ^ Birth Order and Ratio of Brothers to Sisters in Spanish Transsexuals http://portal.uned.es/pls/portal/docs/PAGE/UNED_MAIN/LAUNIVERSIDAD/UBICACIONES/02/DOCENTE/ANTONIO_GUILLAMON_FERNANDEZ/GOMEZ-GIL%20ET%20AL%202010A.PDF
  292. ^ Birth order and sibling sex ratio in two samples of Dutch gender-dysphoric homosexual males Ray Blanchard Ph.D., Kenneth J. Zucker Ph.D., Petty T. Cohen-Kettenis Ph.D., Louis J. G. Gooren M.D., Ph.D., J. Michael Bailey Ph.D. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF02437544
  293. ^ Sexual orientation in men and avuncularity in Japan: implications for the kin selection hypothesis. Vasey PL, VanderLaan DP. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21656333
  294. ^ Tsoi, W. F., Kok, L. P., & Long, F. Y. (1977). Male transsexualism in Singapore: A description of 56 cases
  295. ^ Interfamily Conflict, Reproductive Success, and the Evolution of Male Homosexuality. By Apostolou, Menelaos Review of General Psychology, Aug 26, 2013 http://psycnet.apa.org/index.cfm?fa=buy.optionToBuy&id=2013-30303-001
  296. ^ Birth order, sex of child, and perceptions of parental favoritism Catherine A. Salmona, Todd K. Shackelfordb, Richard L. Michalski http://www.toddkshackelford.com/downloads/Salmon-Shackelford-Michalski-PAID-2012.pdf
  297. ^ Perceived parental favoritism, closeness to kin, and the rebel of the family The effects of birth order and sex Percy A. Rohdea,*, Klaus Atzwangerb,c, Marina Butovskayad, Ada Lamperte, Iver Mysterudf, Angeles Sanchez-Andresg, Frank J. Sulloway http://sulloway.org/Rohde2003.pdf
  298. ^ Correlates of Perceived Parental Favoritism http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00221325.1985.9923447
  299. ^ Access to Origins: Affines, Ancestors, and Aristocrats Written by Mary W. Helms http://books.google.es/books?id=KWTqgrZQgwQC&pg=PA81&lpg=PA81&dq=%22The+hierarchical+basis+for+the+relations+among%22&source=bl&ots=HksqVR85o7&sig=8c8KgJBd6bcaU8jO2i97o7IEpOw&hl=es&sa=X&ei=-2ukUvfAA-nE0QW2poCQCQ&ved=0CDYQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22The%20hierarchical%20basis%20for%20the%20relations%20among%22&f=false
  300. ^ The Sherpas of Nepal in the Tibetan cultural context by Robert A. Paul https://openlibrary.org/search?author_key=OL447372A&subject_facet=Civilization&title=The+Sherpas+of+Nepal
  301. ^ The 'Last Born' (Muxogosi) and Complementary Filiation in Tiriki, Kenya http://hdl.handle.net/1802/6872
  302. ^ Daly, M., & Wilson, M. (1984). A sociobiological analysis of human infanticide. In G. Hausfater, S. B. Hrdy (Eds.),Infanticide: Comparative and evolutionary perspectives (pp. 487-502). New York, NY: Aldine de Gruyter
  303. ^ Daly, M., & Wilson, M. (1988). Homicide
  304. ^ Population History and the Family: A Journal of Interdisciplinary History Reader edited by Robert I. Rotberg http://books.google.es/books?id=OiQM-GIe69kC&pg=PA173&lpg=PA173&dq=%22peasant+families%22+%22population+control%22+%22Japan%22&source=bl&ots=axUyUcc-NR&sig=T6RUhpKmZk16HD53IokvvHSQaqQ&hl=es&sa=X&ei=SP3DUe-uKo-I7AbvioGwDw&ved=0CFUQ6AEwBQ
  305. ^ Mabiki: Infanticide and Population Growth in Eastern Japan, 1660-1950 Written By Fabian Drixler http://books.google.es/books?id=B25xmcnCV6oC&pg=PA229&lpg=PA229&dq=%22Subcultures+of+infanticide+in+the+1930s%22&source=bl&ots=l0s-aQ9kF3&sig=_vy12VLxJaNSU6rY09afFJYhrJU&hl=es&sa=X&ei=tebcUs7yDKiP7AbYpIHYAQ&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Subcultures%20of%20infanticide%20in%20the%201930s%22&f=false
  306. ^ Nakahara. Family Planning and Population in a Japanese Village, 1717-1830. by Thomas C. Smith http://www.jstor.org/stable/2384204
  307. ^ Child Sacrifice at Carthage: Religious Rite or Population Control. Biblical Archaeology Review 10,1 (1984): 30-51 (with Lawrence E. Stager). http://www.academia.edu/2298111/Child_Sacrifice_at_Carthage_Religious_Rite_or_Population_Control._Biblical_Archaeology_Review_10_1_1984_30-51_with_Lawrence_E._Stager_
  308. ^ Primogeniture in the Old Testament : towards a theological-ethical understanding of patriarchy in Ancient Israel Fachhai, http://scholar.sun.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10019.1/17750/Fachhai_primogeniture_2007.pdf?sequence=1
  309. ^ Siblicide and Seniority MARTIN DALY MARGO WILSON McMaster University, Canada CATHERINE A. SALMON Simon Fraser University, Canada MARIKO HIRAIWA-HASEGAWA Waseda University, Tokyo TOSHIKAZU HASEGAWA University of Tokyo http://www.psy.cmu.edu/~rakison/siblingviolence.pdf
  310. ^ Cicirelli, V. G. (1995). Sibling relationships across the life span. New York: Plenum
  311. ^ Straus, M. A. (1974). Leveling, civility, and violence in the family. Journal of marriage and the Family, 36,13-29.
  312. ^ Sibling relationships in Dutch and immigrant families http://soc.kuleuven.be/ceso/dagvandesociologie/papers/siblings.pdf
  313. ^ Birth order and the dominance aspect of extraversion: Are firstborns more extraverted, in the sense of being dominant, than laterborns? http://dare.ubvu.vu.nl/bitstream/handle/1871/34526/268081.pdf;jsessionid=1F40351BB546FE28D493A2BC67EF6536?sequence=1
  314. ^ Tea Virtanen PERFORMANCE AND PERFORMATIVITY IN PASTORAL FULBE CULTURE http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/julkaisut/hum/kultt/vk/virtanen/performa.pdf
  315. ^ The Hausa of Nigeria Written By Frank A. Salamone http://books.google.es/books?id=pEfo0-GXk5oC&pg=PA2&lpg=PA2&dq=%22Hausa%22+%22Inheritance+is+by+primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=9R2lgWGAb_&sig=c62CtoYG7bIMuk5YQ5-GEj0MhwU&hl=es&sa=X&ei=mGlNUrjWBvHb7AaUkYCQDQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Hausa%22%20%22Inheritance%20is%20by%20primogeniture%22&f=false
  316. ^ The Hausa of Nigeria Written By Frank A. Salamone http://books.google.es/books?id=pEfo0-GXk5oC&pg=PA130&lpg=PA130&dq=%22The+dan+faxi+relationship+is%22&source=bl&ots=9R2m82IIfY&sig=E7TlbfaC7NufzZ_Is8r2rBA4Y0w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=brpRUpzFBOeM0wXM2IC4CQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20dan%20faxi%20relationship%20is%22&f=false
  317. ^ Saints, Scholars, and Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland Written By Nancy Scheper-Hughes http://books.google.es/books?id=Tl5wLFhF53oC&pg=PA283&lpg=PA283&dq=%22It+is+in+their+shared+perception+that%22&source=bl&ots=xyLHoYH2ve&sig=u6jOgTXgZGkRvRg-h5IoQ9FBmxU&hl=es&sa=X&ei=8JSMUej0LtS0hAf34oH4Aw&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22It%20is%20in%20their%20shared%20perception%20that%22&f=false
  318. ^ http://books.google.es/books?id=6bSXB83DegQC&pg=PA144&lpg=PA144&dq=%22On+kinship+Relationships%22+%22Tikopia%22&source=bl&ots=O6Zduw-WM6&sig=kkhQuhcf76e9J6YXIvUsURYMFZ4&hl=es&sa=X&ei=wa-NUsDmO4m27QaVxYCAAQ&ved=0CEgQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22On%20kinship%20Relationships%22%20%22Tikopia%22&f=false
  319. ^ http://books.google.es/books?id=ea_5AQAAQBAJ&pg=PT22&lpg=PT22&dq=Tikopia+on+kinship+relationships&source=bl&ots=MQsZdVt3ep&sig=pl2ebxUYGko9PCXCjKuuo9MygHY&hl=es&sa=X&ei=61uSUrfcBcTY7AaC14HQDg&ved=0CEAQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Tikopia%20on%20kinship%20relationships&f=false
  320. ^ Social Change in Tikopia http://books.google.es/books?id=SR1TAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA195&lpg=PA195&dq=%22Tikopia%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22younger+sons%22&source=bl&ots=ANFH5YA8y8&sig=XJhVTSvGKyhW4GCTkoH96gwELiQ&hl=es&sa=X&ei=0lmTUuboDfDB7AbMloDwDg&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Tikopia%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22younger%20sons%22&f=false
  321. ^ Dancing, Dying, Crawling, Crying: Stories of Continuity and Change in the … Written By Julian Treadaway http://books.google.es/books?id=5Txqo7UPlhsC&pg=PA98&lpg=PA98&dq=%22Tikopia%22+%22younger+sons%22+%22Treadaway%22&source=bl&ots=AAcfGXC9SN&sig=qMp6T46_oXlLeDDukr65woA2p_w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=h1qTUr_YN8a47Qal8IDYCw&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Tikopia%22%20%22younger%20sons%22%20%22Treadaway%22&f=false
  322. ^ Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Survive Written By Jared Diamond http://books.google.es/books?id=jNQd9RpuJ-4C&pg=PT374&lpg=PT374&dq=%22Tikopia%22+%22younger+sons%22+%22celibate%22&source=bl&ots=1_jqFu5Wuq&sig=Eu68z3w5_PPvXVT5EQMAGkkSd6k&hl=es&sa=X&ei=gFeTUvz7J6nm7AaIp4HQBw&ved=0CD0Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Tikopia%22%20%22younger%20sons%22%20%22celibate%22&f=false
  323. ^ Social Change in Tikopia http://www.amazon.com/Social-Change-Tikopia-Anthropology-Ethnography/dp/0415330181
  324. ^ Succession To Chieftainship in Tikopia http://books.google.es/books?id=1eHIgN_xiBAC&pg=PA169&lpg=PA169&dq=%22Tikopia%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22chieftainship%22&source=bl&ots=EsMUFR4utL&sig=ykYe-PwK848AF9FI-KUdHmkzPsc&hl=es&sa=X&ei=yyGTUt6PH8Wv7AanloCwAQ&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Tikopia%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22chieftainship%22&f=false
  325. ^ Effects of siblings and birth order on income redistribution preferences. Yamamura, Eiji (2012) http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/38658/
  326. ^ Egalitarianism in young children Ernst Fehr, Helen Bernhard & Bettina Rockenbach http://aleph.fish.hokudai.ac.jp/files/edu/graduate/resource/2009/Egalitarianism.pdf
  327. ^ Aging in the Past Demography, Society, and Old Age Edited By David I. Kertzer Peter Laslett UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · Oxford © 1995 The Regents of the University of California http://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft096n99tf&chunk.id=d0e7643&toc.id=d0e7603&brand=ucpress
  328. ^ Konrad, Kai A.; Künemund, Harald; Lommerud, Kjell Erik; Robledo, Julio R. Working Paper Geography of the family http://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/51072/1/341179698.pdf
  329. ^ Widowed Mothers’ Coresidence With Adult Children J Gerontol B Psychol Sci Soc Sci first published online September 7, 2013 http://psychsocgerontology.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2013/09/07/geronb.gbt072.full
  330. ^ Is the Eldest Son Different? The Residential Choice of Siblings in Japan Midori Wakabayashi, Charles Y. Horioka http://www.nber.org/papers/w12655
  331. ^ CONTINUITIES AND CHANGES IN PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS AND KINSHIP IN POSTWAR JAPAN: Examining Bilateral Hypotheses by Analyzing the National Family Survey (NFRJ-S01) SHI Liping http://www.law.tohoku.ac.jp/gcoe/wp-content/uploads/2010/03/gemc_02_cate3_4.pdf
  332. ^ Sibling Configuration and Coresidence of Married Couples with an Older Mother in Japan Hiroshi Kojima http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1475-6781.1993.tb00013.x/abstract
  333. ^ Title: Differences in Perceptions of the Relationship between Daughters-in-Law and Mothers-in-Law Author: Miyoko NEOI (Faculty of Education, Oita University) Source: Journal of Home Economics of Japan; ISSN:0913-5227; VOL.44; NO.9; PAGE.713-722; (1993) http://astp.jst.go.jp/modules/search/DocumentDetail/0913-5227_44_9_Differences%2Bin%2BPerceptions%2Bof%2Bthe%2BRelationship%2Bbetween%2BDaughters-in-Law%2Band%2BMothers-in-Law_N%252FA
  334. ^ Why do First-born Children Live with Parents? — Geography of the Family in Japan — http://paa2008.princeton.edu/papers/80169
  335. ^ The Japanese Family System: Change, Continuity, and Regionality over the Twentieth century Akihiko Kato http://www.demogr.mpg.de/papers/working/wp-2013-004.pdf
  336. ^ Coresidence of young adults with their parents in Japan: do sib size and birth order matter? Author: Kojima H – See more at: http://www.popline.org/node/359886#sthash.ePZLlgfQ.dpuf http://www.popline.org/node/359886
  337. ^ Coresidence with Parents and a Wife's Decision to Work in Japan Akiko S. Oishi Takashi Oshio http://www.ipss.go.jp/webj-ad/webjournal.files/socialsecurity/2006/jun/oishi&oshio.pdf
  338. ^ Intergenerational Transfers and Old- Age Security in Korea Hisam Kim http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8163.pdf
  339. ^ a b Wealth Constraints and Self-Employment: Evidence from Birth Order Jing Chen Florida International University http://casgroup.fiu.edu/pages/docs/2249/1275227794_08-08.pdf
  340. ^ a b Family Contributions to Elder Support in Korea: Incentive, repayment, need, and tradition http://paa2009.princeton.edu/papers/91840
  341. ^ The Extended Family in Contemporary Korea: Changing Patterns of Co-residence Sug-In Kweon http://www.koreasociety.org/doc_view/354-the-extended-family-in-contemporary-korea
  342. ^ Culture, Ritual and Revolution in Vietnam Written By Shaun Kingsley Malarney http://books.google.es/books?id=kwdh3n6cdokC&pg=PA17&dq=%22The+eldest+son+almost+universally+remains+in+the+father's+house%22&hl=es&sa=X&ei=oF6nUqb-CpOO7Qagn4DYBA&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20eldest%20son%20almost%20universally%20remains%20in%20the%20father's%20house%22&f=false
  343. ^ Khuat Thu Hong, "Stem Family in Vietnam", in "The Stem Family in Eurasian Perspective Revisiting House Societies, 17th-20th centuries", written by Antoinette Fauve Chamoux and Emiko Ochiai http://books.google.es/books?id=kcJkkBG8FygC&pg=PA431&lpg=PA431&dq=%22Stem+family%22+%22Vietnam%22&source=bl&ots=BMkefqPE9s&sig=KKEWUTCCP7oqKiie02WgYBRxte4&hl=es&sa=X&ei=jo5bUY2wIKuy7Aaz-4CoAQ&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Stem%20family%22%20%22Vietnam%22&f=false
  344. ^ Vietnam's Children in a Changing World Written By Rachel Burr http://books.google.es/books?id=UdM23XHKlSAC&pg=PA30&lpg=PA30&dq=%22Vietnam%22+%22parents%22+%22live%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=YmYRoWGILf&sig=EeHY45u5FUh1w2WKYHycZcrI3OQ&hl=es&sa=X&ei=uqTMUrmOH-rV0QXM24DgDg&ved=0CDsQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Vietnam%22%20%22parents%22%20%22live%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  345. ^ The Vietnamese Family in Change: The Case of the Red River Delta Written By Văn Bích Phạm http://books.google.es/books?id=qyLEoLfmOZ4C&pg=PA222&lpg=PA222&dq=%22Vietnamese%22+%22family%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=CZCYFc5IIY&sig=PT-0pJEhRqNEbsr9_27m2IMqhH0&hl=es&sa=X&ei=RqXMUtSpNqaz0QXQyIDoBg&ved=0CI0BEOgBMA0#v=onepage&q=%22Vietnamese%22%20%22family%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  346. ^ Work without name : changing patterns of children's work in a Northern Vietnamese village Author Nguyen Van Chinh http://dare.uva.nl/document/84484
  347. ^ EXPLAINING TRENDS IN CORESIDENCE OF NEWLY MARRIED COUPLES WITH PARENTS IN JAPAN Rikiya Matsukura, Robert D. Retherford & Naohiro Ogawa Published online: 04 Oct 2011. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/17441730.2011.608981
  348. ^ Trends in Assortative Mating by Sibship Position in Japan September 23, 2004 Chia-ying Chen Miho Iwasawa http://paa2005.princeton.edu/papers/51246
  349. ^ Leaving the Parental Household in Contemporary Japan Toru SUZUKI http://www.ipss.go.jp/publication/e/R_s_p/No.10_P23.pdf
  350. ^ http://www.rchss.sinica.edu.tw/NewWeb/files/archive/429_1feb20aa.pdf
  351. ^ Late Marriage and Less Marriage in Japan Robert D. Retherford1, Naohiro Ogawa2, Rikiya Matsukura http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2001.00065.x/abstract;jsessionid=D7D372E7DE89FCEA814225172D76367C.f01t02?systemMessage=Wiley+Online+Library+will+be+disrupted+on+7+December+from+10%3A00-15%3A00+BST+%2805%3A00-10%3A00+EDT%29+for+essential+maintenance&userIsAuthenticated=false&deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=
  352. ^ Short tailors and sickly Buddhist priests: birth order and household effects on class and health in Japan, 1893–1943 Gail Honda http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=1830284
  353. ^ Adoption and Samurai Mobility in Tokugawa Japan Ray A. Moore http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=6975844
  354. ^ The Bachelors' Ball: The Crisis of Peasant Society in Bearn http://www.amazon.co.uk/The-Bachelors-Ball-Peasant-Society/dp/0226067491
  355. ^ Effects of gender difference and birth order on perceived parenting styles, measured by the EMBU scale, in Japanese two-sibling subjects http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1046/j.1440-1819.2000.00640.x/pdf
  356. ^ Japanese Schizophrenics and the Family Ikuko Miyabayashi http://lib.med.tottori-u.ac.jp/yam/bef_41/yam41-3/41_099-103.pdf
  357. ^ Marriage, family labour and the stem family household: traditional Japan in a comparative perspective Saito, Osamu 2000-05 http://hermes-ir.lib.hit-u.ac.jp/rs/bitstream/10086/13400/1/0100700701.pdf
  358. ^ Sucesión unipersonal y familia troncal en la “Catalunya Vella” (Con algunas reflexiones comparativas) Andrés BARRERA GONZÁLEZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid http://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/RASO/article/viewFile/RASO9191110179A/10771
  359. ^ Los Pirineos: estudios de antropología social e historia : actas del … editado por Casa de Velázquez http://books.google.es/books?id=ura6R3KcBN8C&pg=PA177&lpg=PA177&dq=%22primogenitura%22+%22Catalunya+Vella%22&source=bl&ots=_N141YxgLh&sig=v1XD_xapXPkoQYuC2MQjKGGAYCE&hl=es&sa=X&ei=mz6fUs7KC6nH7AbSooHQDA&ved=0CEsQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=%22primogenitura%22%20%22Catalunya%20Vella%22&f=false
  360. ^ Los pirineos, estudios de antropología social e historia: actas del coloquio … editado por Casa de Velázquez http://books.google.es/books?id=ura6R3KcBN8C&pg=PA111&lpg=PA111&dq=%22Tomando+como+punto+de+referencia+las+experiencias+personales%22&source=bl&ots=_N-52Zs7Gl&sig=skPgpkdc1RjFVNgkIxOaMcebJlk&hl=es&sa=X&ei=Uep-UbqsKfTX7AbDzYG4Dg&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Tomando%20como%20punto%20de%20referencia%20las%20experiencias%20personales%22&f=false
  361. ^ FAMILY CUSTOMS AND FARMLAND REALLOCATIONS IN CONTEMPORARY CHINESE VILLAGES* Jonathan Unger http://ips.cap.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/IPS/PSC/CCC/publications/papers/JU_Family_Customs.pdf
  362. ^ Sons and Daughters:Adult Children’s Care for Elderly Parents at the End of Life in Rural China Dongmei Zuo Shuzhuo Li http://www.iussp.org/sites/default/files/event_call_for_papers/Children's%20care%20for%20elderly%20parents%20at%20the%20end%20of%20life-final.pdf
  363. ^ Intergenerational Transfers and Living Arrangements of Older People in Rural China: Consequences for Psychological Well-Being. Source: Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences & Social Sciences . Sep2006, Vol. 61B Issue 5, pS256-S266. 11p. 4 Charts. Author(s): Silverstein, Merril; Zhen Cong; Shuzhuo Li http://web.ebscohost.com/abstract?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=10795014&AN=22485838&h=RGGhx3EIa0np6EjXtAw8aiotiEZK5SVOFKNNIofPhXjYFz%2btMK0xxK8QHC73zZJZYJ8KsYDMyxzPfUU8mQFxtw%3d%3d&crl=f
  364. ^ Living Arrangements of Older Adults in China: The Interplay Among Preferences, Realities, and Health Melanie Dawn Sereny Department of Sociology Duke University May 26, 2009 http://www.unfpa.org/webdav/site/global/groups/events_calendar/public/Doha/Sereny_Concordance_Paper.pdf
  365. ^ The Residential Choice of Siblings in China Shangyi Mao Brett Graham http://paa2013.princeton.edu/papers/132664
  366. ^ Who Coreside with Parents? An Analysis based on Sibling Comparative Advantage http://paa2013.princeton.edu/papers/131355
  367. ^ Welfare Consequences of Coresiding with the Mother-in-law in Patriarchal … Written By Rekha Puthenpurackel Varghese http://books.google.es/books?id=grEH3uBg5rUC&pg=PA106&lpg=PA106&dq=%22Bangladesh%22+%22coresidence%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=t9XMF1ZJZS&sig=7ShsMa4yuZQwD-QdnVNZCjRSQwU&hl=es&sa=X&ei=e9KqUombH6yr0gWLsYGQCg&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Bangladesh%22%20%22coresidence%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  368. ^ Indian Journal of GERONTOLOGY http://www.gerontologyindia.com/pdf/vol-22-3-4.pdf
  369. ^ Chapter 13 Demography of Aging in Arab Countries Kathryn M. Yount and Abla M. Sibai http://www.researchgate.net/publication/225857664_Demography_of_Aging_in_Arab_Countries/file/d912f51222ddab0a02.pdf&sa=X&scisig=AAGBfm2g5yReIFSaARgdeeeDoL8e8-zYOA&oi=scholarr&ei=DJW1UtGJIPCX0QWKqoCoDQ&ved=0CDIQgAMoADAA
  370. ^ Altruism and Beyond: An Economic Analysis of Transfers and Exchanges Within ... Written By Oded Stark http://books.google.es/books?id=fp5AsvHBDVgC&pg=PA43&lpg=PA43&dq=%22Israel%22+%22moshav%22+%22eldest+son%22&source=bl&ots=dmNKohp0X7&sig=WWFpfsi3fqb-VceTsbCLHMSiy3E&hl=es&sa=X&ei=eyO3UoD7KYbR0QWJtoDADg&ved=0CGoQ6AEwBg#v=onepage&q=%22Israel%22%20%22moshav%22%20%22eldest%20son%22&f=false
  371. ^ Differentiation and Co-operation in an Israeli Veteran Moshav Written By Elaine Baldwin http://books.google.es/books?id=xzG8AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA55&lpg=PA55&dq=%22the+eldest+son+tends+to+remain+on+the+farm%22&source=bl&ots=5ck4rs6_iF&sig=TsL7kMUOr-wqnZxaRVNjl5L__dk&hl=es&sa=X&ei=R9i4Ur-nEaKt0QXd5YCoDw&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22the%20eldest%20son%20tends%20to%20remain%20on%20the%20farm%22&f=false
  372. ^ Kinship and the Social Order : the Legacy of Lewis Henry Morgan Escrito por Meyer Fortes http://books.google.es/books?id=iCjWC0nYA_4C&pg=PA253&lpg=PA253&dq=%22Fortes%22+%22firstborn%22&source=bl&ots=lDS031Wu08&sig=ri8pW3hpZenSV1JPPN_1WWJmx-E&hl=es&sa=X&ei=pEGkUo2jK-Kt0QWnz4DgCA&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Fortes%22%20%22firstborn%22&f=false
  373. ^ Religion, Morality and the Person: Essays on Tallensi Religion Escrito por Meyer Fortes http://books.google.es/books?id=uJg4AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA231&lpg=PA231&dq=%22Fortes%22+%22domain%22+%22politics%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=352K51s6yV&sig=tTkdJVdjFg0lz2EwMy8ANWyxXM8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=B0akUvK7Oaqj0QWYtIH4CA&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Fortes%22%20%22domain%22%20%22politics%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  374. ^ THE FIRST BORN Meyer Fortes http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1469-7610.1974.tb01228.x/abstract
  375. ^ The State, Society and Big Business in South Korea Written By Yeon-Ho Lee http://books.google.es/books?id=O6x8VMKUFeoC&pg=PA32&lpg=PA32&dq=%22chaebol%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherited%22&source=bl&ots=lJjw1XZ7_-&sig=d91_Bhqho_Y2uE-pil_GL6OWh0Q&hl=es&sa=X&ei=aSP9UbmJJ6eR7Ab_woGYBw&ved=0CFwQ6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=%22chaebol%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherited%22&f=false
  376. ^ Gender preference and transfers from parents to children: an inter-regional comparison http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02692171.2012.700702#.U1deiWJ_tAk
  377. ^ The association between height and birth order: evidence from 652,518 Swedish men. Myrskylä M, Silventoinen K, Jelenkovic A, Tynelius P, Rasmussen F. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23645856
  378. ^ The More the Sicker? Health, Family Size, and Birth Order Petter Lundborg Hilda Ralsmark Dan-Olof Rooth http://www.ined.fr/fichier/t_telechargement/40793/telechargement_fichier_fr_a3_ralsmark.pdf
  379. ^ Birth order progressively affects childhood height http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/cen.12156/abstract
  380. ^ Short tailors and sickly Buddhist priests: birth order and household effects on class and health in Japan, 1893–1943 Gail Honda http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=1830284
  381. ^ Birth order and child nutritional status: evidence from the Philippines. Author: Horton S - http://www.popline.org/node/351227
  382. ^ The association between birth order and adult stature 1988, Vol. 15, No. 2 , Pages 161-165 (doi:10.1080/03014468800009581) Michael Hermanussen1, Beate Hermanussen1 and Jens Burmeister1 1Department of Pediatrics, Children's Hospital and Institute for Informatics and Practical Mathematics, University of Kiel Read More: http://informahealthcare.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03014468800009581?journalCode=ahb
  383. ^ Nurture affects gender differences in spatial abilities Moshe Hoffmana,1, Uri Gneezya, and John A. Listb http://rady.ucsd.edu/faculty/directory/gneezy/pub/docs/pnas_published.pdf
  384. ^ The judicial and legislative reform of the customary law of succession http://www.saflii.org/za/journals/DEJURE/2012/35.pdf
  385. ^ 2010 When Is the Past Not the Past? Reflections on Customary Law under South Africa’s Constitutional Dispensation Sanele Sibanda http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1131&context=hrbrief&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.es%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%2522official%2522%2520%2522customary%2522%2520%2522law%2522%2520%2522succession%2522%2520%2522south%2520africa%2522%26source%3Dweb%26cd%3D2%26ved%3D0CDYQFjAB%26url%3Dhttp%253A%252F%252Fdigitalcommons.wcl.american.edu%252Fcgi%252Fviewcontent.cgi%253Farticle%253D1131%2526context%253Dhrbrief%26ei%3DDt8MUsm_DubD7AaW4YGQBg%26usg%3DAFQjCNE9CODUgNWm7Kw2Wj9Yzmv7jGadHw#search=%22official%20customary%20law%20succession%20south%20africa%22
  386. ^ South African Common and Customary Law of Intestate Succession: A Question of Harmonisation, Integration or Abolition Christa Rautenbach http://www.ejcl.org/121/art121-20.pdf
  387. ^ Customary Law and Domestic Violence in Rural South African Communities by Ericka Curran & Elsje Bonthuys http://www.csvr.org.za/docs/gender/customarylawand.pdf
  388. ^ South African Law Reform Commission: Project 90 Customary Law of Succession Report: April 2004 http://www.justice.gov.za/salrc/reports/r_prj90_customarylawsuccession2004.pdf
  389. ^ Judicial Balancing of Parallel Values: Male Primogeniture, Gender Equality and Chieftaincy Succession in South Africa Obeng Mireku http://www.enelsyn.gr/papers/w14/Paper%20by%20Prof%20Obeng%20Mireku.pdf
  390. ^ BASELINE RESEARCH ON CULTURAL PRACTICES RELATED TO LAND TENURE SECURITY AND INHERITANCE RIGHTS FOR LESOTHO WIDOWS AND ORPHANS AND VULNERABLE CHILDREN FUNDED BY: CIDA VOLUNTARY SECTOR FUND PREPARED BY: HABITAT FOR HUMANITY LESOTHO AND FEDERATION OF WOMEN LAWYERS (FIDA-LESOTHO) JUNE 2008
  391. ^ http://www.justnsustshelter.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=54
  392. ^ Protecting Human Security in Africa written by Ademola Abass http://books.google.es/books?id=kOjpTQ5T7-YC&pg=PT250&lpg=PT250&dq=%22zambia%22+%22customary+law%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=RpLJpUTM_l&sig=b7oXiIfjsG7xXxVp5WmhwNn0JME&hl=es&sa=X&ei=oaeQUbHZHsf17AbjgoHwCA&ved=0CIUBEOgBMAc
  393. ^ N A M I B I A – UN-Habitat http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/getElectronicVersion.asp?nr=2133&alt=1
  394. ^ Land Tenure, Housing Rights and Gender in Namibia Written By United Nations Human Settlements Programme http://books.google.es/books?id=-RUdwR_Y16oC&pg=PT30&lpg=PT30&dq=%22Namibia%22+%22male+primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=cgH7kwhalT&sig=_XOpAL2kS0aOy4-ofiM06MujP7w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=OI7GUbfkA5OKhQepjYDoAQ&ved=0CEIQ6AEwAw
  395. ^ THE STRUCTURE OF SUCCESSION LAW IN CAMEROON: FINDING A BALANCE BETWEEN THE NEEDS AND INTERESTS OF DIFFERENT FAMILY MEMBERS. By JOSEPH NZALIE EBI http://etheses.bham.ac.uk/300/1/NzalieEbi09PhD_A1a.pdf
  396. ^ Hope for the Future Again Tracing the effects of sexual violence and conflict on families and communities in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo Jocelyn Kelly, Michael VanRooyen, Justin Kabanga, Beth Maclin and Colleen Mullen April 2011 http://hhi.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/publications/publications%20-%20women%20-%20hope.pdf
  397. ^ Sudan: Customary Justice System in the Nation http://allafrica.com/stories/201204301478.html
  398. ^ Statutory Law, Patriarchy and Inheritance – African Journals Online http://www.ajol.info/index.php/asr/article/download/57752/46119
  399. ^ Child-Widows Silenced and Unheard: Human Rights Sufferers in Tanzania Written By Monica Elias Magoke-Mhoja http://books.google.es/books?id=2CJNkxGznHgC&pg=PA107&lpg=PA107&dq=%22Tanzania%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=sMFZdOstJ4&sig=ZomA892F5oiSDIk1K5X3xIvD8og&hl=es&sa=X&ei=V-R2UsTxJM-S7AbugoHoDQ&ved=0CGEQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Tanzania%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  400. ^ http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/700157.pdf
  401. ^ Equatorial Guinea Human Rights Report http://www.ncbuy.com/reference/country/humanrights.html?code=ek&sec=5
  402. ^ Rural Gambian Households A Baseline Study of Credit Union Members in Four Regions of the Gambia Irish League of Credit Unions Foundation & National Association of Cooperative Credit Unions of the Gambia http://www.ilcufoundation.ie/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Gambia-Baseline-Study-ILCUF-June-2012.pdf
  403. ^ 'STREETISM' OR LIVING IN THE STREET, AN EMERGING PHENOMENON AS A WAY OF LIFE IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, A CASE STUDY OF CHILDREN LIVING ON THE STREETS OF GHANA. by Christine A. N. Tettegah University of Nottingham http://etheses.nottingham.ac.uk/3703/1/575417.pdf
  404. ^ Sierra Leone: "we'll Kill You If You Cry" : Sexual Violence in the Sierra … Written By Human Rights Watch (Organization) http://books.google.es/books?id=CQYeQNqJEncC&pg=PA19&lpg=PA19&dq=%22Sierra+Leone%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22inherits%22&source=bl&ots=tWVpneWInp&sig=qJI1kZpVkeJg9mw0ALC8dcUPmq8&hl=es&sa=X&ei=WUSMUvW0BtGA7Qbc-IDQDg&ved=0CD8Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=%22Sierra%20Leone%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22inherits%22&f=false
  405. ^ Intergenerational Transfers and Old- Age Security in Korea Hisam Kim http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8163.pdf
  406. ^ The Samburu: A Study in Geocentracy Written By Paul Spencer http://books.google.es/books?id=ChWQyMe2S_gC&pg=PA53&lpg=PA53&dq=%22Samburu%22+%22this+chapter+is+concerned+with+the+complex%22&source=bl&ots=iINdyBDSp1&sig=Hvn77quGdkDQQ4-4r1F1xfQp3cw&hl=es&sa=X&ei=FNCOUYa1FMqV7AaMooFY&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Samburu%22%20%22this%20chapter%20is%20concerned%20with%20the%20complex%22&f=false
  407. ^ Understanding Institutional Emergence: Land Inheritance among Samburu pastoralists in Kenya http://www.isnie.org/ISNIE06/Papers06/03.2/lesorogol.pdf
  408. ^ Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume III SOUTH ASIA http://www.sabrizain.org/malaya/library/enc-sa.pdf
  409. ^ SKETCH OF ELGEYO LAW AND CUSTOM http://afraf.oxfordjournals.org/content/XX/LXXIX/195.extract
  410. ^ The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Rituals of Rebellion Written By Paul Spencer http://books.google.es/books?id=dyuoRxHwdmQC&pg=PA205&lpg=PA205&dq=%22The+principle+of+seniority+within+each+hut+means%22&source=bl&ots=4xdmhjDZHr&sig=DCQ318ezzHP_JBY6t_6crJQnC-A&hl=es&sa=X&ei=QKY7UvO-Iqr40gXRk4HwDA&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22The%20principle%20of%20seniority%20within%20each%20hut%20means%22&f=false
  411. ^ The Evil Eye Belief Among the Amhara of Ethiopia Ronald A Reminick Cleveland State University http://www.refugeelegalaidinformation.com/sites/srlan/files/fileuploads/Reminick-TheEvilEyeBeliefAmongAmharaEthiopia_again.pdf
  412. ^ The Impact of HIV/AIDS on the Shona Livelihood System of Southeast Zimbabwe Written By John Mazzeo http://books.google.es/books?id=QErfUz6AsloC&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq=%22the+eldest+son+inherits+first+and+obtains+the+largest%22&source=bl&ots=sPAd9IaVTX&sig=PbpBVTczUC7h9FEuuXSkN4f9A8w&hl=es&sa=X&ei=l5SYUfuLJuPA7AbM7oD4AQ&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22the%20eldest%20son%20inherits%20first%20and%20obtains%20the%20largest%22&f=false
  413. ^ MASHONALAND NATIVES WS TABERER – 1905 afraf.oxfordjournals.org/content/4/XV/311.full.pdf
  414. ^ African Law and Custom in Rhodesia, Goldin and Gelfand, p 284
  415. ^ Shona Customary Law: With Reference to Kinship, Marriage, the Family and the … Written By J. F. Holleman http://books.google.es/books?id=ZB28AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA236&lpg=PA236&dq=%22At+the+kurovaguva%22&source=bl&ots=kGWqM7Re85&sig=kY7_fi_oHw6aEliSBkGWUHwiFvg&hl=es&sa=X&ei=9yldUoP5Hubw0gXC4oHACQ&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22At%20the%20kurovaguva%22&f=false
  416. ^ Gender Issues in Some Traditional Shona Marriage Customs An Africana womanist perspective by Enna Sukutai Gudhlanga Zimbabwe Open University, Department of Languages & Media Studies Godwin Makaudze Great Zimbabwe University, Department of Africa Languages and Culture http://www.quietmountainessays.org/Gudhlanga_Makaudze.html
  417. ^ Wild Beasts & Idle Humours: The Insanity Defense from Antiquity to the Present Written By Daniel N. Robinson http://books.google.es/books?id=rqxyDATzojMC&pg=PA27&lpg=PA27&dq=%22Laws%22+%22Solon%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22oikos%22&source=bl&ots=72an-NrRL-&sig=FZsLvzkuL997pLvsGIy018RmaYw&hl=es&sa=X&ei=6Ja3UtfCOOek0QWu4YHIBg&ved=0CEgQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=%22Laws%22%20%22Solon%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22oikos%22&f=false
  418. ^ The Good Friend: An Analysis of Plato's "Lysis". Written By William Michael Vann http://books.google.es/books?id=C5He3yRz_AwC&pg=PA45&lpg=PA45&dq=%22Laws%22+%22Solon%22+%22eldest+son%22+%22oikos%22&source=bl&ots=zWno3vfdSZ&sig=rEosssAeNaF99kALzn9xkQFBHFY&hl=es&sa=X&ei=6Ja3UtfCOOek0QWu4YHIBg&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Laws%22%20%22Solon%22%20%22eldest%20son%22%20%22oikos%22&f=false
  419. ^ Aristotle, "Politics".
  420. ^ The Labour Theory of Value Written By Peter C. Dooley http://books.google.es/books?id=2dx3ppudk7oC&pg=PA4&lpg=PA4&dq=%22Plato%22+%22recommended%22+%22rule%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=gxjnCl2puY&sig=P7g9t2-a-LY-2dIKWU2qnK2iV88&hl=es&sa=X&ei=_5S3UpX5I4vY0QW_4YDwDA&ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Plato%22%20%22recommended%22%20%22rule%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  421. ^ Women and Literary History: "for There She Was" edited by Katherine Binhammer,Jeanne Wood http://books.google.es/books?id=jOXGFjnDLQUC&pg=PA127&lpg=PA127&dq=%22Plato%22+%22atlantis%22+%22primogeniture%22&source=bl&ots=qFZbwmbsDp&sig=CNNUd9Y9nzK-70-cAPywOR2qb7s&hl=es&sa=X&ei=Ipa3UozIBYOl0QX9r4C4DQ&ved=0CDsQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Plato%22%20%22atlantis%22%20%22primogeniture%22&f=false
  422. ^ Roman Monogamy Laura Betzig Evolution & Human Behawor Program, Umverslty of Mlchlgan, Ann Arbor, Mlchlgan http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/handle/2027.42/29876/0000226.pdf&embedded=true?sequence=1
  423. ^ The Laws of the Ancient Persians From : The Laws of the Ancient Persians, S. J. Bulsara, Bombay, 1937 http://www.iranchamber.com/history/articles/ancient_persians_laws1.php
  424. ^ Plants of Life, Plants of Death Written By Frederick J. Simoons http://books.google.es/books?id=KEUAbrBoeBAC&pg=PA127&lpg=PA127&dq=%22Germany%22+%22youngest+son%22+%22inherited%22+%22mandrake%22&source=bl&ots=x2T0aIzpMO&sig=-XTv_US96gMUdIawCan9NOKoPoo&hl=es&sa=X&ei=Z_W5UpHiD8mn0QWhwIBg&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%22Germany%22%20%22youngest%20son%22%20%22inherited%22%20%22mandrake%22&f=false
  425. ^ The Brehon Laws by Laurence Ginnell, 1894 http://www.libraryireland.com/Brehon-Laws/Devolution-Property.php
  426. ^ Cornelius Tacitus, Germany and its Tribes Alfred John Church, William Jackson Brodribb, Ed http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0083%3Achapter%3D32
  427. ^ Scots Law by Lois Sparling http://www.afhs.ab.ca/aids/talks/ScotsLaw.pdf
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  429. ^ Succession (Scotland) Act 1964 http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1964/41/contents
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