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Draft:Turkey Postcolonial Efforts

  • Comment: Two sources have "source=chatgpt.com" in the URL. I have briefly checked the other sources and they all seem to be real and not AI hallucinations. But because ChatGPT was used in the creation of the draft all the usual WP:LLM issues may apply.
    I need you to examine the draft line by line to ensure there are no ChatGPT artefacts. qcne (talk) 20:08, 28 August 2025 (UTC)


Introduction

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Turkey, as the successor state of the Ottoman Empire, has a complex historical legacy shaped by centuries of expansion and governance over territories crossing Europe, the Middle East and North Africa.[1]. Although Turkey itself was never colonized, its imperial past is a contentuous topic in current historical narratives and foreign policy[2]. Unlike European colonialism, characterized by settler colonialism and direct manipulation, the Ottoman Empire governed through a system of secondary rule, integrating diverse populations into administrative and religious structures such as the millet system[3].

 
Map depicting the Ottoman Empire at its greatest extent, in 1683.

In modern Turkey, engagement with its imperial past is complex. Some state actors embrace Ottoman heritage as a source of national pride while critics point out selective historical memory which emphasizes the empire’s achievements and abandons its oppressive dimensions[4]. This tension appears obviously in contemporary discussions around Neo-Ottomanism, a term describing Turkey’s strategic revival of Ottoman-era influence particularly visible in its foreign policy in former Ottoman territories notably Syria and the Balkans.

The extent to which Turkey acknowledges its colonial legacy varies considerably across institutions, political movements and academic debates. Official narratives frequently highlight the Ottoman Empire’s cultural and architectural contributions but a broader societal and academic debate calls for a more pure historical calculation addressing past injustices and their contemporary inferences. Public memory, education systems and cultural projects actively shape these engagements with Turkey’s past[5].

Turkish Colonial History and Imperial Legacy

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Ottoman Expansion and Administration

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Farmer Inserting a Graft on a Tree, by Jean-François Millet

The Ottoman Empire (1299–1922) was one of the longest-lasting empires in history, spanning large parts of Southeastern Europe, the Middle East and North Africa. Unlike European colonial empires, the Ottoman Empire typically administered its territories indirectly through local authorities, using existing religious and ethnic networks under the millet system. This system allowed religious communities such as Orthodox Christians and Jews to handle their internal affairs, while simultaneously reinforcing hierarchical dominance by the Muslim ruling elite[6]. The Ottoman Empire expanded primarily through military defeat, strategic alliances and control over key trade routes rather than oversees colonization in the European sense.

Influence in Greece and the Balkans

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File:Painting, Portrayal of the Greek War of Independence.jpg
Greek War of Independence

Ottoman rule significantly shaped regions like Greece and the Balkans, leaving a lasting imprint on local culture, geopolitics, and social organization[7]. The Ottoman rule in the areas was resisted throughout the centuries of occupation, finally culminating in independence movements such as the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) that, alongside with defeats in World War I, stripped the Ottoman Empire of its European provinces[8]. After the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire post World War I the modern state of Turkey was founded, with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk acting as the first president.

The Ottoman legacy in the previously held areas is still palpable in continued and sometimes strained economic ties. The centuries-long Ottoman rule remains visible today through preserved Ottoman architecture, and cultural exchanges such as culinary traditions and linguistic influences[9].

From Empire to Republic

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Founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 marked a distinct break from the imperial past. The early republican reforms abolished the Ottoman sultanate, promoted secularization, and emphasized national identity based on a modern Turkish state distancing itself from Ottoman multiculturalism and governance practices.

 
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, The First President of the Republic of Turkey, 1923

In recent decades, however, Turkey has seen a revival of interest in its Ottoman heritage. This renewed interest coined as Neo-Ottomanism influences contemporary political and cultural narratives and reflects both the nostalgia for an idea of a 'grand past' and points to contemporary geopolitical determinations. Critics view this revival as problematic, arguing that it selectively glorifies Ottoman history and ignores historical oppression and conflicts.

Neo-Ottomanism and Its Contemporary Implications

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Definition and Ideological Background

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Neo-Ottomanism refers to the political and ideological revival of Ottoman-era influence, particularly under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). It emphasizes Turkey’s historical and cultural ties to regions previously under Ottoman rule, aiming to enhance Turkey's geopolitical presence and influence with these states. Advocates of Neo-Ottomanism argue that this approach strengthens Turkey's strategic position and regional leadership whereas critics view it as an attempt to romanticize and politically exploit the Ottoman past.

Syria as a Case Study

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Photograph of a Turkish Military Intervention in Syria

Turkey’s policy towards Syria exemplifies Neo-Ottoman ambitions reflecting historical ties and contemporary strategic interests. Since the Syrian Civil War (2011–present), Turkey has undertaken several military interventions, citing both national security and humanitarian objectives. Erdoğan’s government justified these actions by invoking historical ties from the Ottoman period portraying Turkey as a guardian and a stabilizing power in the region.

Critics argue that these interventions represent colonizing goals under the appearance of historical connections. International observers and domestic opposition have highlighted concerns about sovereignty violations, displacement and regional destabilization linked to these policies[10]. Turkey’s presence in Syria has further heightened international debates about Neo-Ottomanism and its implications for regional stability.

Contemporary Criticism and Debate

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Turkish President, then Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan Meeting Russian President Vladimir Putin in St.Petersburg.

Domestically, Neo-Ottomanism faces criticism for selectively glorifying Ottoman history, overlooking oppressive practices, and using historical narratives for political leverage. Scholars and political analysts argue that Neo-Ottoman discourse contributes to revisionist histories, potentially aggravating regional tensions and complicating Turkey’s diplomatic relations. Internationally, neighboring countries such as Greece, Egypt, and various Middle Eastern states have expressed concerns over Turkey's historical reinterpretations and political interventions. This ongoing discourse highlights Turkey's complex relationship with its imperial past and raises critical questions about historical accountability, geopolitical ambition, and national identity.

Reinforcing Colonial Discourse: Examples of Official State Narratives and Policies

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Elected Officials' Statements

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This selective narrative glorifying the achievements of Ottoman colonisation and the prosperity of the Empire during the Middle Ages, while ignoring its consequences for the conquered nations is reflected in the state policy as well.

President Erdoğan frequently invokes the rhetoric of the Ottoman past in order to legitimise policies and inspire nationalist tendencies. In 2020, president Erdoğan gave a speech ideologically aligned with Neo-Ottomanist rhetoric of “renewed glory”, stating that "First of all, our nation removed the oppression from the areas that it conquered. It established justice. This is why our civilization is one of conquest. Turkey will take what is its right in the Mediterranean Sea, in the Aegean Sea, and in the Black Sea”, referring thus to the previous territories held under Ottoman rule.

Turkey’s foreign policy aligns diplomatically with this narrative, emphasises building stronger regional relations, and maintaining a central, rather than a regional role in the Middle East and the Balkans, as stated by the previous prime minister under Erdoğan, Ahmet Davutoğlu[11]. Further foreign policy points, as elaborated on in the “2023 vision” – a set of foreign policy goals released in 2010 to be fulfilled by 2023 – emphasises participation in the global arenas, as well as joining the EU and playing a determining role in the international organisations. While Turkey has not officially joined the EU yet, these goals provide an overview of the driving factors behing Turkey's external politics. In this way, the foreign policy focuses on sedimentation of Turkish geopolitical influence in the regions previously colonised, thus aligning it with contemporary political goals that follow in the tradition of Ottomanism.

Museum Representations

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The cultural narrative of glorification of the Ottoman Empire is further supported by museum exhibitions showcasing the history and heritage of modern-day Turkey, often aiding in construction of the ideal of former glory

Panorama 1453 History Museum was opened in 2008 in Topkapi and features a panoramic portrayal of the 1453 conquest of Constantinople. The construction was financially supported by Erdoğan’s government. Through enabling the visitors an immersive 360-degree panoramic experience of the final assault on the city walls from the perspective of an Ottoman soldier, it presents the fall of the then Byzantine city as a heroic and pivotal moment in the history of the Ottoman empire[12].

 
Immersive Digital Reconstruction of The Fall Of Constantinople in Panorama History Museum in Istanbul

In 2020, an originally Byzantine church and a UNESCO world heritage site Hagia Sophia was reconverted from a museum into a mosque. This move gained international criticism, as it was considered by some an attempt at historical revisionism.

The Istanbul Military Museum, dedicated to one thousand years of Turkish military history, reinforces the narrative of conquest by displaying weaponry of various periods of the Ottoman army. It also displays weaponry and various tools used by the Byzantine army to repel Ottoman forces during the 1453 siege of Constantinople. The exhibited historical artefacts serve to juxtapose Ottoman military prowess to Byzantine lack of defence strategy.

Addressing the Colonial Past, and Decolonial Efforts

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The state narrative officially embraces and perpetuates coloniality through official statements, foreign policy, museum representations, and school curriculum. These state policies are aimed at erasing some and uplifting other histories, creating an atmosphere in which decolonial attempts are scarce and repressed by the state.

Scholarly Circles: Counter-Narratives

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The historiographic shift towards reexamining Turkish past through postcolonial lens has happened only recently, with scholars using this framework to analyse the implications of Ottoman imperial policies[13][14]. Scholars have also begun to analyse the implementation of colonial governance strategies into the modern Turkish setting, such as the spill-over of colonial policies like the Turkification policies of the 1930s aimed at assimilating non-Turkish populations, including Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds, into a homogenous national identity[15]. Scholarly work of this kind serves to provide the counter-narrative, and uncover the continuing coloniality that is still perpetuated in the state narrative of the present-day Republic of Turkey. Some scholars have countered the state-sponsored glorification of war criminals such as Talaat Pasha, one of the main perpetrators of the Armenian genocide; as well as lesser-known militant leaders Topal Osman, and Nurettin Paşa by providing evidence linking them to the committed mass-murders[16], yet these critiques have not had a prominent sway in Turkish academia due to strong nationalist discourse[17].

Civil Resistance

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Though there are no prominent incidents involving vandalisations of statues of Ottoman leaders such as Talaat Pasha, those that have repeatedly been targeted are statues of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder and first president of Turkey. Atatürk has been accused by Armenians and Greeks as being responsible for acts of genocide against Christian minorities while serving as a general in the final days of the Ottoman Empire. In one of the most recent incidents, inspired by the Black Lives Matter protestors destroying statues of prominent slave-owners, a protestor put a cardboard saying “I am responsible for Crimes against Humanity!” on the statue located in Washington DC[18][19].

In May 2024, the government suspended for five days the 30-year-old independent radio station, Açik Radyo, after a guest featuring on the programme referred to the killing of the Armenians during World War I as a genocide. The state agency for monitoring, regulating, and sanctioning radio and television broadcasts (RTÜK) subsequently cancelled their broadcasting licence in July, with the radio station having its last broadcast in October 2024[20][21].

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Initiatives such as HEVİ LGBTİ Derneği work in decolonial, queer lens to challenge the discrimination of LGBTI and Kurdish minorities. Their work focuses on providing support to Kurdish LGBTI people living in Istanbul, and they operate alongside other initiatives such as Hebûn operating in Diyarbakır[22][23].

Saturday Mothers (Cumartesi Anneleri) is a long-standing group demanding accountability for their family members who went missing during the 1980s-90s conflict with Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) militants. They organised for a sit-in and a vigil every Saturday in Istanbul, in an act of protest against the state-forced disappearances and political assassinations committed against their relatives. Ahead of their 950th gathering in 2023, the Erdogan government banned the protest, and subsequently arrested Saturday Mothers gathered that day. The first court hearing was in February 2024[24][25]

References

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  1. ^ Cooper, Jane, and Frederick (2010). Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691152363.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  2. ^ Tlostanova, Madina (2019). "The Postcolonial Condition, the Decolonial Option, and the Post-Socialist Intervention". Postcolonialism Cross-Examined: 165–76. doi:10.4324/9780367222543-9. ISBN 978-0-367-22254-3.
  3. ^ Akarli, Engin (January 2005). "Bruce Masters, Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World: The Roots of Sectarianism". Journal of Near Eastern Studies.
  4. ^ Sönmez, Erdem (2021). "A Past to Be Forgotten? Writing Ottoman History in Early Republican Turkey". Ritish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies. 4 (48): 753–69. doi:10.1080/13530194.2020.1714428.
  5. ^ Bilmez, Bulent (January 2013). "Memory Politics and Cultures in Turkey". Balkanistic Forum.
  6. ^ Yusuf, Hakeem O (August 2023). Research Handbook on Transitional Justice. p. 405-20. doi:10.4337/9781802202519.00035. ISBN 9781802202502.
  7. ^ Rrustemi, Arlinda; et al. (September 30, 2019). "I: Understanding Geopolitical Influences of External Powers in Western Balkans". Hague Centre for Strategic Studies. JSTOR resrep19582.
  8. ^ F. Anscombe, Frederick (June 2014). State, Faith, and Nation in Ottoman and Post-Ottoman Lands. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107323926.
  9. ^ J. Zürcher, Erik (2017). Front cover image for Turkey : a modern history Turkey : A Modern History. I.B. Tauris, London. ISBN 9781784531874.
  10. ^ Ozkan, Behlül (2014). "Turkey, Davutoglu and the Idea of Pan-Islamism". Global Politics and Strategy. 56 (4): 119-140. doi:10.1080/00396338.2014.941570.
  11. ^ S. Adar, H. A. Aksoy, S. Çevik, D. Isachenko, M. Rau, N. T. Yaşar. "Visualising Turkey's Foreign Policy Activism".{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  12. ^ "Panorama 1453 History Museum".
  13. ^ Gülşah Çapan & Zarakol, Zeynep &Ayşe (2017). Postcolonial colonialism? The Case of Turkey (1st ed.). Routledge. ISBN 9781315665955.
  14. ^ Türesay, Özgür (2013). "The Ottoman Empire Seen through the Lens of Postcolonial Studies: A Recent Historiographical Turn". Revue d'histoire moderne & contemporaine. 60 (2): 127–45. doi:10.3917/rhmc.602.0127.
  15. ^ Durugönül, Esma (January 2003). "The Invisibility of Turks of African Origin and the Construction of Turkish Cultural Identity: The Need for a New Historiography". Journal of Black Studies. 33 (3): 281–294. doi:10.1177/0021934702238632. JSTOR 3180834.
  16. ^ Vahakn N., Dadrian (December 2003). The History of the Armenian Genocide. Berghahn Books. p. 480. ISBN 978-1-57181-666-5.
  17. ^ "Hero, founder, or criminal? Talaat is still alive and well in Turkey". Turkish Minute. April 28, 2021.
  18. ^ "Atatürk statue in US capital attacked". June 29, 2020.
  19. ^ MEE Staff (June 30, 2020). "Turkey denounces vandalism of Ataturk statue in US capital".
  20. ^ "Turkey shuts down radio station in Armenia genocide row". October 16, 2024.
  21. ^ Pierre, Angèle (October 22, 2024). "Turkey's Açik Radyo, the radio station for 'all the voices in the universe,' goes silent".
  22. ^ https://hevilgbti.org/. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)
  23. ^ Mirhanoglu, Fidan (September 26, 2013). "A New Hope For Kurdish LGBTs in Istanbul: Hêvî LGBTİ".
  24. ^ Daşlı, Güneş (August 2, 2023). "The Saturday Mothers in Turkey as a Maternal Movement: A Feminist Critique".
  25. ^ Butler, Daren (March 25, 2021). "Turkey's "Saturday Mothers" on trial for protesting against disappearances".
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